Style
Kaczynski wrote the document on a typewriter (therefore
without italics); he capitalized entire words to show emphasis. He always
referred to himself as either "we"
or "FC" ("Freedom Club"), though there
is no evidence that he worked with others. Academic
Donald Wayne Foster analyzed the writing at the request of Kaczynski's
defense team and he noted that it contains irregular spelling and hyphenation
and other linguistic idiosyncrasies, which led him to conclude that Kaczynski
was its author.
Summary
Industrial Society and
Its Future begins with Kaczynski's assertion: "The Industrial Revolution and its consequences have been a disaster
for the human race." He writes
that technology has had a destabilizing effect on society, has made life
unfulfilling, and has caused widespread psychological suffering. He argues that most people spend their time
engaged in useless pursuits because of technological advances; he calls these "surrogate activities" wherein
people strive toward artificial goals, including scientific work, consumption
of entertainment, and following sports teams. He predicts that further technological
advances will lead to extensive human genetic engineering and that human beings
will be adjusted to meet the needs of the social systems, rather than vice
versa. He believes that technological
progress can be stopped, unlike people who understand technology's negative
effects yet passively accept it as inevitable. He calls for a return to "wild nature."
Kaczynski argues that the erosion of human freedom is a
natural product of an industrial society because "the system has to regulate human behavior closely in order to
function", and that reform of the system is impossible because "changes large enough to make a lasting
difference in favor of freedom would not be initiated because it would be
realized that they would gravely disrupt the system". However, he
states that the system has not yet fully achieved "control over human behavior" and "is currently engaged in a desperate struggle to overcome certain
problems that threaten its survival". He predicts that "if the system succeeds in acquiring
sufficient control over human behavior quickly enough, it will probably
survive. Otherwise, it will break down," and that "the issue will most likely be resolved within the next several decades,
say 40 to 100 years". He states
that the task of those who oppose industrial society is to promote "social stress and instability"
and to propagate "an ideology that
opposes technology", one that offers the "counter-ideal" of nature "in order to gain enthusiastic support". A "revolution against technology may be
possible" when industrial society is sufficiently unstable.
Throughout the document, Kaczynski addresses left-wing
politics as a movement. He defines leftists as "mainly socialists, collectivists, 'politically correct' types, feminists,
gay and disability activists, animal rights activists and the like",
states that leftism is driven primarily by "feelings
of inferiority" and "oversocialization",
and derides leftism as "one of the
most widespread manifestations of the craziness of our world". He additionally states that "a movement that exalts nature and
opposes technology must take a resolutely anti-leftist stance and must avoid
all collaboration with leftists", as in his view "leftism is, in the long run, inconsistent with wild nature, with
human freedom and with the elimination of modern technology". He also criticizes conservatives,
describing them as "fools"
who "whine about the decay of
traditional values, yet they enthusiastically support technological progress
and economic growth."
Reception
Alston Chase
reported in The Atlantic that the
text "was greeted in 1995 by many
thoughtful people as a work of genius, or at least profundity, and as quite
sane". Chase argued, however,
that it "is the work of neither a
genius nor a maniac." "Its
pessimism over the direction of civilization and its rejection of the modern
world are shared especially with the country's most highly educated." UCLA
political science professor James Q. Wilson was mentioned in the manifesto;
he wrote in The New Yorker that Industrial Society and Its Future was "a carefully reasoned, artfully written
paper". "If it is the work
of a madman, then the writings of many political philosophers… are scarcely
more sane."
David Skrbina, a
philosophy professor at the University
of Michigan and a former Green Party candidate for governor of Michigan, has written several essays in
support of Kaczynski's ideas, one which is titled "A Revolutionary for Our Times". Paul
Kingsnorth, a former deputy-editor of The
Ecologist and a co-founder of the Dark
Mountain Project wrote an essay for Orion
Magazine in which he described Kaczynski's arguments as "worryingly convincing" and
stated that they "may change my
life".
Psychiatrist Keith
Ablow stated on Fox News that
Kaczynski was "reprehensible for
murdering and maiming people" but "precisely
correct in many of his ideas", and he compared Industrial Society and Its Future to Aldous Huxley's Brave New World and George
Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four.
Anarcho-primitivist authors such as John Zerzan and John Moore came to Kaczynski's defense while also holding
reservations about his actions and ideas.
Influences
The manifesto echoed contemporary critics of technology and
industrialization such as John Zerzan,
Jacques Ellul, Rachel Carson, Lewis Mumford,
and E. F. Schumacher. Its idea of the "disruption of the power process" similarly echoed social
critics emphasizing the lack of meaningful work as a primary cause of social
problems, including Mumford, Paul
Goodman, and Eric Hoffer. Its general theme was also addressed by Aldous
Huxley's Brave New World, to
which Kaczynski refers to in the text. Kaczynski's ideas of "oversocialization" and "surrogate activities" recall Sigmund Freud's Civilization and Its Discontents and
its theories of rationalization and sublimation (a term which Kaczynski uses
three times to describe "surrogate
activities").
Bill Joy,
co-founder of Sun Microsystems wrote
that Kaczynski is "clearly a
Luddite", but "simply
saying this does not dismiss his argument". Anders Behring Breivik, the perpetrator of the 2011 Norway attacks, published a manifesto and copied large
portions from Industrial Society and Its
Future, with certain terms, substituted (e.g., replacing "leftists" with "cultural Marxists" and "multiculturalists").
Over twenty years after Kaczynski's imprisonment, his views
have inspired online communities of primitivists and neo-Luddites. One
explanation for the renewal of interest in his views is the television series Manhunt: Unabomber, which aired in 2017.
Kaczynski is also frequently referenced
by ecofascists online.
Other works
University of
Michigan–Dearborn philosophy professor David Skrbina helped to compile
Kaczynski's work into the 2010 anthology
Technological Slavery, including the original manifesto, letters between
Skrbina and Kaczynski, and other essays. Kaczynski updated his 1995 manifesto as Anti-Tech Revolution: Why and How to address
advances in computers and the Internet. He advocates practicing other types
of protest and makes no mention of violence.
Investigation
Because of the material used to make the mail bombs, the
suspect was labeled the "Junkyard
Bomber" by U.S. Postal
Inspectors, who initially had responsibility for the case. FBI
Inspector Terry D. Turchie was appointed to run the UNABOM investigation. In
1979, an FBI-led task force that included 125 agents from the FBI, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF), and U.S. Postal Inspection Service was
formed. The task force grew to more than
150 full-time personnel, but minute analysis of recovered components of the
bombs and the investigation into the lives of the victims proved of little use
in identifying the suspect, who built his bombs primarily from scrap materials
available almost anywhere. The victims, investigators later learned, were
chosen irregularly from library research.
In 1980, chief agent John
Douglas, working with agents in the FBI's
Behavioral Sciences Unit, issued a psychological profile of the
unidentified bomber. It described the offender as a man with above-average
intelligence and connections to academia. This profile was later refined to
characterize the offender as a neo-Luddite holding an academic degree in the
hard sciences, but this psychologically based profile was discarded in 1983. An
alternative theory was developed by FBI analysts that concentrated on the
physical evidence in recovered bomb fragments. In this rival profile, the
suspect was characterized as a blue-collar airplane mechanic. A 1-800 hotline was set up by the UNABOM Task Force to take calls related
to the investigation, with a $1 million reward for anyone who could provide
information leading to the Unabomber's
capture.
Before the publication of Industrial Society and Its Future, Ted's brother, David Kaczynski, was encouraged by his
wife to follow up on suspicions that Ted was the Unabomber. David was
dismissive at first, but he began to take the likelihood more seriously after
reading the manifesto a week after it was published in September 1995. He
searched through old family papers and found letters dating to the 1970s that
Ted had sent to newspapers to protest the abuses of technology using phrasing
similar to the manifesto.
Before the manifesto's publication, the FBI held many press
conferences asking the public to help identify the Unabomber. They were convinced that the bomber was from the Chicago area where he began his
bombings, had worked in or had some connection to Salt Lake City, and by the 1990s had some association with the San Francisco Bay Area. This
geographical information, as well as the wording in excerpts from the manifesto
that were released before the entire text of the manifesto, was published,
persuaded David's wife to urge her husband to read the manifesto.
After publication
After the manifesto was published, the FBI received over a
thousand calls a day for months in response to its offer of a $1 million reward
for information leading to the identification of the Unabomber. Many letters claiming to be from the Unabomber were also sent to the UNABOM Task Force, and thousands of
suspect leads were reviewed. While the FBI was occupied with new leads,
Kaczynski's brother David hired private investigator Susan Swanson in Chicago to
investigate Ted's activities discreetly. David later hired Washington, D.C. attorney Tony Bisceglie to organize the evidence
acquired by Swanson and make contact with the FBI, given the presumed
difficulty of attracting the FBI's attention. David wanted to protect his
brother from the danger of an FBI raid, such as the Ruby Ridge or the Waco Siege,
since he feared a violent outcome from any attempt by the FBI to contact his
brother.
In early 1996, former FBI hostage negotiator and criminal
profiler Clinton R. Van Zandt was
contacted by an investigator working with Bisceglie. Bisceglie asked Van Zandt
to compare the manifesto to typewritten copies of handwritten letters David had
received from his brother. Van Zandt's initial analysis determined that there
was better than a 60 percent chance that the same person had written the
manifesto, which had been in public circulation for half a year. Van Zandt's
second analytical team determined an even higher likelihood. He recommended
that Bisceglie's client immediately contact the FBI.
In February 1996, Bisceglie gave a copy of the 1971 essay
written by Ted Kaczynski to Molly Flynn at the FBI. She forwarded the essay to the San Francisco-based task force. FBI Profiler James R. Fitzgerald
recognized similarities in the writings using linguistic analysis and
determined that the author of the essays and the manifesto were almost
certainly the same. Combined with facts gleaned from the bombings and
Kaczynski's life, the analysis provided the basis for a search warrant signed
by Terry Turchie, the head of the
entire investigation.
David Kaczynski
had tried to remain anonymous, but he was soon identified and within a few
days an FBI agent team was dispatched to interview David and his wife with
their attorney in Washington, D.C. At
this and subsequent meetings, David provided letters written by his brother in
their original envelopes, allowing the FBI task force to use the postmark dates
to add more detail to their timeline of Ted's activities. David developed a
respectful relationship with behavioral analysis Special Agent Kathleen M. Puckett, whom he met many times in Washington, D.C., Texas, Chicago, and Schenectady, New York, over the nearly
two months before the federal search warrant was served on Kaczynski's cabin.
David had once admired and emulated his older brother but
later decided to leave the survivalist lifestyle behind. He had received assurances from the FBI that
he would remain anonymous and that his brother would not learn who had turned
him in, but his identity was leaked to CBS
News in early April 1996. CBS anchorman Dan Rather called FBI director Louis Freeh, who requested
24 hours before CBS broke the story
on the evening news. The FBI scrambled to finish the search warrant and have it
issued by a federal judge in Montana; afterward, an internal leak investigation was conducted by the FBI, but the
source of the leak was never identified.
FBI officials were not unanimous in identifying Ted as the
author of the manifesto. The search warrant noted that numerous experts
believed the manifesto had been written by another individual.
Arrest
FBI agents arrested Kaczynski on April 3, 1996, at his
cabin, where he was found in an unkempt state. A search of his cabin revealed a
cache of bomb components, 40,000 hand-written journal pages that included
bomb-making experiments, descriptions of the Unabomber crimes and one live bomb, ready for mailing. They also
found what appeared to be the original typed manuscript of Industrial Society
and Its Future. By this point, the
Unabomber had been the target of the most expensive investigation in FBI history.
After his capture, theories emerged naming Kaczynski as the Zodiac Killer. Among the links that
raised suspicion was the fact that Kaczynski lived in the San Francisco Bay Area from 1967 to 1969 (the same period that most
of the Zodiac's confirmed killings
occurred in California), that both
individuals were highly intelligent with an interest in bombs and codes, and
that both wrote letters to newspapers demanding the publication of their works
with the threat of continued violence if the demand was not met. However,
Kaczynski's whereabouts could not be verified for all of the killings, and the
gun and knife murders committed by the Zodiac
Killer differ from Kaczynski's bombings, so he was not further pursued as a
suspect. Robert Graysmith, author of
the 1986 book Zodiac, said the
similarities are "fascinating" but purely coincidental.
The early hunt for the Unabomber portrayed a perpetrator far
different from the eventual suspect. Industrial
Society and Its Future consistently uses "we" and "our"
throughout, and at one point in 1993 investigators sought an individual whose
first name was "Nathan"
because the name was imprinted on the envelope of a letter sent to the media. When the case was presented to the public,
authorities denied that there was ever anyone other than Kaczynski involved in
the crimes.
Guilty plea
A federal grand jury indicted Kaczynski in April 1996 on ten
counts of illegally transporting, mailing, and using bombs, and three counts of
murder.
Kaczynski's lawyers, headed by Montana federal public defenders Michael Donahoe and Judy Clarke, attempted to enter an
insanity defense to avoid the death penalty, but Kaczynski rejected this
strategy. On January 8, 1998, he requested to dismiss his lawyers and hire Tony Serra as his counsel; Serra had
agreed not to use an insanity defense and instead base a defense on Kaczynski's
anti-technology views. This request was
unsuccessful and Kaczynski subsequently tried to commit suicide by hanging on
January 9. Several, though not all,
forensic psychiatrists and psychologists who examined Kaczynski diagnosed him
as having paranoid schizophrenia. Forensic
psychiatrist Park Dietz said Kaczynski was not psychotic but had a schizoid
or schizotypal personality disorder. In
his 2010 book Technological Slavery,
Kaczynski said that two prison psychologists who visited him frequently for
four years told him they saw no indication that he suffered from paranoid
schizophrenia and the diagnosis was "ridiculous"
and a "political diagnosis".
On January 21, 1998, Kaczynski was declared competent to
stand trial "despite the psychiatric
diagnoses". As he was fit to
stand trial, prosecutors sought the death penalty but Kaczynski avoided that by
pleading guilty to all charges on January 22, 1998, and accepting life imprisonment
without the possibility of parole. He later tried to withdraw this plea,
arguing it was involuntary. Judge
Garland Ellis Burrell Jr. denied his request, and the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit upheld that
decision.
In 2006, Burrell ordered that items from Kaczynski's cabin
be sold at a "reasonably advertised
Internet auction." Items considered to be bomb-making materials, such
as diagrams and "recipes" for
bombs, were excluded. The net proceeds went towards the $15 million in restitution
Burrell had awarded Kaczynski's victims. Kaczynski's correspondence and other personal
papers were also auctioned. Burrell
ordered the removal, before sale, of references in those documents to
Kaczynski's victims; Kaczynski unsuccessfully challenged those redactions as a
violation of his freedom of speech. The
auction raised $232,000.
Imprisonment
Kaczynski is serving eight life sentences without the
possibility of parole at ADX Florence,
a supermax prison in Florence, Colorado.
When asked in 1999 if he was afraid of
losing his mind in prison, Kaczynski replied:
No, what worries me is
that I might in a sense adapt to this environment and come to be comfortable
here and not resent it anymore. And I am afraid that as the years go by that I
may forget, I may begin to lose my memories of the mountains and the woods and
that's what really worries me, that I might lose those memories, and lose that
sense of contact with wild nature in general. But I am not afraid they are
going to break my spirit.
In 2016, it was reported that early on in his imprisonment
Kaczynski had befriended Ramzi Yousef
and Timothy McVeigh, the
perpetrators of the 1993 World Trade
Center bombing and the Oklahoma City bombing, respectively. The
trio discussed religion and politics and formed a friendship which lasted until
McVeigh's execution in 2001.
Kaczynski's cabin was seized by the U.S. government and was
on display at the Newseum in Washington, D.C. In October 2005, Kaczynski offered to donate
two rare books to the Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies at Northwestern University's campus in Evanston, Illinois, the location of his
first two attacks. Northwestern
rejected the offer due to already having copies of the works.
The Labadie Collection,
part of the University of Michigan's
Special Collections Library houses Kaczynski's correspondence with over
400 people since his arrest, including replies, legal documents, publications,
and clippings. His writings are among
the most popular selections in the University
of Michigan's special
collections. The identity of most
correspondents will remain sealed until 2049. In 2012, Kaczynski responded to the Harvard Alumni Association's directory
inquiry for the fiftieth reunion of the class of 1962; he listed his occupation
as "prisoner" and his eight
life sentences as "awards".
Published
mathematical works
Kaczynski, T.J.
(June–July 1964). "Another Proof of
Wedderburn's Theorem". American Mathematical Monthly. 71 (6): 652–653.
doi:10.2307/2312328. JSTOR 2312328. A proof of Wedderburn's little theorem in
abstract algebra
—— (June–July
1964). "Advanced Problem 5210".
American Mathematical Monthly. 71 (6): 689. doi:10.2307/2312349. JSTOR 2312349.
A challenge problem in abstract algebra
—— (June–July
1965). "Distributivity and (−1)x =
−x (Advanced Problem 5210, with Solution by Bilyeu, R.G.)". American
Mathematical Monthly. 72 (6): 677–678. doi:10.2307/2313887. JSTOR 2313887.
Reprint and solution to "Advanced
Problem 5210"
—— (July 1965). "Boundary Functions for Functions
Defined in a Disk". Journal of Mathematics and Mechanics. 14 (4):
589–612.
—— (November
1966). "On a Boundary Property of
Continuous Functions". Michigan Mathematical Journal. 13 (3): 313–320.
doi:10.1307/mmj/1031732782.
—— (1967). Boundary Functions (fragment) (PhD).
University of Michigan. Kaczynski's doctoral dissertation. Complete
dissertation available for purchase from ProQuest, with publication number
6717790.
—— (March–April 1968). "Note
on a Problem of Alan Sutcliffe". Mathematics Magazine. 41 (2): 84–86.
Bibcode:1975MathM..48...12G. doi:10.2307/2689056. JSTOR 2689056. A brief paper
in number theory concerning the digits of numbers
—— (March 1969). "Boundary Functions for Bounded
Harmonic Functions" (PDF). Transactions of the American Mathematical
Society. 137: 203–209. doi:10.2307/1994796. Archived (PDF) from the original on
January 16, 2017.
—— (July 1969). "Boundary Functions and Sets of
Curvilinear Convergence for Continuous Functions" (PDF). Transactions
of the American Mathematical Society. 141: 107–125. doi:10.2307/1995093.
Archived (PDF) from the original on August 12, 2017.
—— (November
1969). "The Set of Curvilinear
Convergence of a Continuous Function Defined in the Interior of a Cube"
(PDF). Proceedings of the American Mathematical Society. 23 (2): 323–327.
doi:10.2307/2037166. Archived (PDF) from the original on August 2, 2017.
——
(January–February 1971). "Problem
787". Mathematics Magazine. 44 (1): 41. Bibcode:1975MathM..48...12G.
doi:10.2307/2688865. JSTOR 2688865. A challenge problem in geometry
—— (November–December 1971). "A Match Stick Problem (Problem 787, with Solutions by Gibbs, R.A.
and Breisch, R.L.)". Mathematics Magazine. 44 (5): 294–296.
Bibcode:1975MathM..48...12G. doi:10.2307/2688646. JSTOR 2688646. Reprint and solutions
to "Problem 787"
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