Saturday, September 19, 2026

David Berkowitz

 


David Richard Berkowitz (born Richard David Falco; June 1, 1953), also known as the Son of Sam, the .44 Caliber Killer and the Phantom of the Bronx, is an American serial killer, serial arsonist, and former United States Army soldier who committed a stabbing and a series of shootings in New York City between 1975 and 1977, killing six people and wounding eleven others. Armed with a .44 caliber Bulldog revolver during most of his crimes, Berkowitz terrorized New York City with letters mocking police and promising further crimes, leading to possibly the biggest manhunt in the city's history.


With a parking ticket proving a vital clue to finding him, Berkowitz was arrested on August 10, 1977, and subsequently indicted for eight shootings. He confessed to all of them and initially claimed to have been obeying the orders of a demon manifested in the form of a black dog named "Sam", which belonged to his neighbor. After being found mentally competent to stand trial, Berkowitz pleaded guilty to second-degree murder and was sentenced to six concurrent life sentences with the possibility of parole after twenty-five years. He subsequently admitted the dog-and-devil story was a hoax. In police investigations, he was also implicated in many unsolved arsons in the city.


Intense media coverage of the case lent a kind of celebrity status to Berkowitz, which many observers noted he seemed to enjoy. The New York State Legislature enacted new statutes – known popularly as "Son of Sam laws" – designed to keep criminals from financially profiting from the publicity created by their crimes. The statutes have remained in New York despite various legal challenges, and similar laws have been enacted in several other states. During the mid-1990s, Berkowitz, by then professing to be a converted evangelical Christian, amended his confession to claim he had been a member of a violent Satanic cult that orchestrated the incidents as ritual murder. A new investigation of the murders began in 1996 but was suspended indefinitely after inconclusive findings.


Early life


David Berkowitz was born Richard David Falco on June 1, 1953, in the Brooklyn borough of New York City. Within a few days of his birth, his biological mother, Elizabeth "Betty" Broder, gave the child up for adoption. Broder had grown up as part of an impoverished family and was working as a waitress at the time of Berkowitz's birth. In 1936 she had married Tony Falco, an Italian American. After a marriage of less than four years, Falco left her for another woman. Although Broder was married to Falco, Berkowitz's biological father was Joseph Kleinman, a married businessman who, like Berkowitz's mother, was Jewish.


The infant Richard was adopted by Pearl and Nathan Berkowitz of the Bronx. The couple were Jewish hardware store retailers of modest means, and childless in middle age. They reversed the order of the boy's first and middle names and gave him their own surname, raising the young David Richard Berkowitz as their only child. As a child, Berkowitz was frequently bullied for being Jewish, as well as for his "chubbiness".


Journalist John Vincent Sanders wrote that Berkowitz's childhood was "somewhat troubled". Although of above-average intelligence, he lost interest in his education at an early age and became infatuated with petty larceny and starting fires. He also suffered head injuries as a child. Neighbors and relatives later recalled Berkowitz as difficult, spoiled and a bully. His adoptive parents consulted at least one psychotherapist due to his misbehavior, but his actions never resulted in a legal intervention or serious mention in school records. He attended Public School #123, Public School #77 and Christopher Columbus High School, the latter from which he graduated in 1971.


When Berkowitz was aged 14, his adoptive mother died of breast cancer, and his home life became strained due to conflict with his adoptive father's second wife. While attending high school and college, he lived with his father in a four-and-a-half-room apartment at 170 Dreiser Loop in Co-op City. Following his graduation from high school, Berkowitz joined the United States Army; he was subsequently stationed at Fort Knox in the United States and with an infantry division in South Korea.


After an honorable military discharge in June 1974, Berkowitz located his birth mother. After a few visits, she disclosed the details of his birth; these greatly disturbed Berkowitz, particularly with regard to the array of reluctant father figures in his life. Forensic anthropologist Elliott Leyton later described Berkowitz's discovery of his birth details as the "primary crisis" of his life, a revelation that shattered his sense of identity. His communication with his birth mother later lapsed, but for a time he remained in communication with his adoptive sister Roslyn.


Berkowitz attended Bronx Community College for one year, enrolling in the spring of 1975. In 1976, he went to work as a driver for the Co-Op City Taxi Company. He subsequently had several non-professional jobs, and at the time of his arrest was working as a letter sorter for the United States Postal Service.


Beginning of crimes (late 1975 to early 1977)


During the mid-1970s, Berkowitz began committing violent crimes. He bungled his first attempt at murder using a knife, then switched to a handgun and began a lengthy crime spree throughout the New York City boroughs of the Bronx, Brooklyn and Queens, seeking young female victims. All but one of the crime scenes involved two victims; he infamously committed some of his attacks while the women sat with boyfriends in parked cars. Berkowitz exhibited an enduring enjoyment of his activities, often returning to the scenes of his crimes.


Forman stabbing (December 1975)


Berkowitz claimed to have committed his first attack on Christmas Eve 1975, when he was twenty-two years old, using a hunting knife to stab two women in Co-op City. The first alleged victim, a Hispanic woman, was never identified by police. The second was fifteen-year-old Michelle Forman, a sophomore at Truman High School, whom he stabbed six times on a bridge near Dreiser Loop and whose injuries were serious enough for her to be hospitalized for a week. The two stabbings occurred within several minutes of each other. Berkowitz was not suspected of these crimes, and soon afterward he relocated to an apartment in Yonkers.


Wendy Savino shooting (April 1976)


The first shooting attributed to Berkowitz occurred around 11:00 PM on April 9, 1976, in the parking lot of Nina's Restaurant at 3372 Boston Road in the Bronx. Wendy Savino, 38, was getting into her car when a man approached and fired five shots at point blank range, laughing as he did so. She pretended to be dead as the man fled the scene, and while severely wounded in her face, back, arm, chest and right eye, she managed to survive the shooting. She later described the man as "about 30 years old, 5 feet 9 inches tall and wearing a black leather jacket".


Her shooting would not be officially linked to the later Son of Sam attacks until 2024. In the words of now retired NYPD homicide detective Robert Klein, "It is the opinion of the investigators of the Bronx homicide squad and the Bronx District Attorney's office that David Berkowitz is responsible for the shooting of Wendy Savino".


Lauria and Valenti shooting (July 1976)


The next shooting attributed to Berkowitz occurred in the Pelham Bay neighborhood of the Bronx. At about 1:10 a.m. on July 29, 1976, Donna Lauria (18), an emergency medical technician, and her friend Jody Valenti (19), a nurse, were sitting in Valenti's double-parked Oldsmobile discussing their evening at Peachtree's, a New Rochelle discotheque. According to Valenti, Lauria opened the car door to leave and noticed a man quickly approaching, carrying a paper bag. Startled and angered by his sudden appearance, Lauria said, "Now what is this..." The man produced a gun from the paper bag and crouched. Bracing one elbow on his knee, he aimed his weapon with both hands and fired. Lauria was struck by one bullet that killed her instantly. Valenti was shot in her thigh, and a third bullet missed both women. The shooter turned and quickly walked away.


Valenti survived her injury and said she did not recognize the killer. She described him as a white male in his thirties with a fair complexion, about 5 feet 8 inches (1.73 m) tall and weighing about 200 lb (91 kg). His hair was short, dark and curly in a "mod style". This description was repeated by Lauria's father, who claimed to have seen a similar man sitting in a yellow compact car parked nearby. Neighbors gave corroborating reports that an unfamiliar yellow compact car had been cruising the area for hours before the shooting. Years later, in 1993, an imprisoned Berkowitz admitted in an interview with journalist Maury Terry that he had shot Lauria and Valenti.


Denaro and Keenan shooting (October 1976)


On October 23, 1976, a similar shooting occurred in a secluded residential area of Flushing, Queens, next to Bowne Park. Carl Denaro (20), a Citibank security guard, and Rosemary Keenan (18), a Queens College student, were sitting in Keenan's parked car when the windows suddenly shattered. "I felt the car exploded," Denaro said later. Keenan quickly started the car and sped away for help. The panicked couple did not realize someone had been shooting at them, even though Denaro was bleeding from a bullet wound to his head. Keenan had only superficial injuries from the broken glass, but Denaro eventually needed a metal plate to replace a portion of his skull. Neither victim saw the attacker.


Police determined the bullets embedded in Keenan's car were .44 caliber, but they were so deformed they thought it unlikely they could ever be linked to a particular weapon. Because Denaro had shoulder-length hair, police later speculated the shooter had mistaken him for a woman. Keenan's father was a twenty-year veteran police detective of the New York City Police Department (NYPD), which encouraged an intense investigation. As with the Lauria–Valenti shooting, however, there seemed not to be any tangible motive for the shooting; police made little progress with the case. Many details of the Denaro–Keenan shooting were very similar to the Lauria–Valenti shooting, but police did not initially associate them, partly because the shootings occurred in different boroughs and were being investigated by different police precincts.


DeMasi and Lomino shooting (November 1976)


High school students Donna DeMasi (16) and Joanne Lomino (18) had walked home from a movie shortly after midnight on November 27, 1976. They were chatting on the porch of Lomino's home in Floral Park when a young man dressed in military fatigues approached them and began to ask directions.


In a high-pitched voice, the man said, "Can you tell me how to get...", but then quickly produced a revolver. He shot each of the victims once and, as they fell to the ground injured, he fired several more times, striking the house before running away. A neighbor heard the gunshots, rushed out of his house and reported seeing a blond man run past gripping a pistol in his left hand. DeMasi had been shot in the neck, but the wound was not life-threatening. Lomino was hit in the back and hospitalized in serious condition; she was ultimately rendered paraplegic.


Freund and Diel shooting (January 1977)


At about 12:40 a.m. on January 30, 1977, secretary Christine Freund (26) and her fiancé, bartender John Diel (30), were sitting in Diel's car near the Forest Hills LIRR station in Queens, preparing to drive to a dance hall after seeing a movie. Three gunshots penetrated the car. In a panic, Diel drove away for help. He sustained minor superficial injuries, but Freund was shot twice and died several hours later at the hospital. Neither victim saw their attacker.


Police then made the first public acknowledgment of a possible connection between cases, stating that the Freund–Diel shooting was similar to the earlier incidents. All the victims had been struck with .44 caliber bullets, and the shootings seemed to target young women with long dark hair. NYPD sergeant Richard Conlon stated police were "leaning towards a connection in all these cases." Composite sketches were released of the black-haired Lauria–Valenti suspect and the blond Lomino–DeMasi suspect, and Conlon noted police were looking for multiple suspects, not just one.


Voskerichian shooting (March 8, 1977)


At about 7:30 p.m. on March 8, 1977, Columbia University student Virginia Voskerichian (20) was walking home from school when she was confronted by an armed man. She lived about a block from where Freund had been shot. In an attempt to defend herself, Voskerichian lifted her textbooks between herself and her killer, but the bullet struck her head and ultimately killed her.[62]


Press and publicity (March 10, 1977)


In a March 10, 1977, press conference, NYPD officials and Mayor Abraham Beame declared the same .44 Bulldog revolver had fired the shots that killed Lauria and Voskerichian. Official documents were later brought to the public eye, revealing that while police strongly suspected the same .44 Bulldog had been used in all of the shootings, the evidence was actually inconclusive.


The crimes were discussed by the local media virtually every day. Circulation increased dramatically for the New York Post and the Daily News, tabloid newspapers with graphic crime reporting and commentary. Foreign media featured many of the reports as well, including front page articles of newspapers such as the Vatican's L'Osservatore Romano, the Israeli newspaper Maariv and the Soviet Izvestia.


Crimes continue (April to July 1977)


Esau and Suriani shooting (April)


At about 3:00 a.m. on April 17, 1977, Alexander Esau (20), a tow truck operator, and Valentina Suriani (18), a Lehman College student and an aspiring actress and model, were sitting in a car belonging to Esau's brother on the Hutchinson River Parkway service road in the Bronx, about a block from Suriani's home and only a few blocks away from the scene of the Lauria–Valenti shooting. A resident of a nearby building heard four shots and called police. Suriani, who was sitting in the driver's seat, was shot once and Esau twice, both in the head. Suriani died at the scene, and Esau died in the hospital several hours later without being able to describe his attacker(s). Police said the weapon used for the crime was the same as the one which they had suspected in the earlier shootings. Berkowitz confirmed in 1993 that he was the shooter.


Crime-scene letters (May)


Son of Sam letter


Police discovered a handwritten letter near the bodies of Esau and Suriani, written mostly in block capitals with a few lower-case letters, and addressed to NYPD Captain Joseph Borrelli. With this letter, Berkowitz identified himself as "Son of Sam" for the first time.[68] The press had previously dubbed the perpetrator the ".44 Caliber Killer" because of his weapon of choice. The letter was initially withheld from the public, but some of its contents were revealed to the press and he quickly became known as the "Son of Sam".


The letter expressed the killer's determination to continue his work, and taunted police for their fruitless efforts to capture him. In full, with misspellings intact, the letter read:


Final page of the first Son of Sam letter


I am deeply hurt by your calling me a wemon [ hater. I am not. But I am a monster. I am the "Son of Sam." I am a little "brat". When father Sam gets drunk he gets mean. He beats his family. Sometimes he ties me up to the back of the house. Other times he locks me in the garage. Sam loves to drink blood. "Go out and kill" commands father Sam. Behind our house some rest. Mostly young—raped and slaughtered—their blood drained—just bones now. Papa Sam keeps me locked in the attic, too. I can't get out but I look out the attic window and watch the world go by. I feel like an outsider. I am on a different wave length then everybody else—programmed too kill. However, to stop me you must kill me. Attention all police: Shoot me first—shoot to kill or else. Keep out of my way or you will die! Papa Sam is old now. He needs some blood to preserve his youth. He has had too many heart attacks. Too many heart attacks. "Ugh, me hoot it urts sonny boy." I miss my pretty princess most of all. She's resting in our ladies house but I'll see her soon. I am the "Monster"—"Beelzebub"—the "Chubby Behemouth." I love to hunt. Prowling the streets looking for fair game—tasty meat. The wemon of Queens are z prettyist of all. I must be the water they drink. I live for the hunt—my life. Blood for papa. Mr. Borrelli, sir, I dont want to kill anymore no sir, no more but I must, "honour thy father." I want to make love to the world. I love people. I don't belong on Earth. Return me to yahoos. To the people of Queens, I love you. And I wa want to wish all of you a happy Easter. May God bless you in this life and in the next and for now I say goodbye and goodnight. Police—Let me haunt you with these words; I'll be back! I'll be back! To be interrpreted as—bang, bang, bang, bank, bang—ugh!! Yours in murder Mr. Monster


At the time, police speculated the letter-writer might be familiar with Scottish English. The phrase "me hoot it urts sonny boy" was taken as a Scottish-accented version of "my heart, it hurts, sonny boy". Police also hypothesized the shooter blamed a dark-haired nurse for his father's death due to the "too many heart attacks" phrase, and the facts that Lauria was a medical technician and Valenti was studying to be a nurse.


The perpetrator's unusual attitude towards police and journalists received widespread scrutiny. Psychologists observed that many serial killers gain gratification by eluding pursuers and observers; the feeling of control over media, law enforcement and even entire populations provides a source of social power for them. After consulting with several psychiatrists, police released a psychological profile of their suspect on May 26, 1977. He was described as a "neurotic" who probably had paranoid schizophrenia and believed himself to be a victim of demonic possession.


Letter to Jimmy Breslin


On May 30, 1977, Daily News columnist Jimmy Breslin received a handwritten letter from someone who claimed to be the .44 Caliber Killer. The letter was postmarked early that same day in Englewood, New Jersey. On the reverse of the envelope, neatly hand-printed in four precisely centered lines, were the words: Blood and Family – Darkness and Death – Absolute Depravity – .44. The letter inside read:


Hello from the gutters of N.Y.C. which are filled with dog manure, vomit, stale wine, urine and blood. Hello from the sewers of N.Y.C. which swallow up these delicacies when they are washed away by the sweeper trucks. Hello from the cracks in the sidewalks of N.Y.C. and from the ants that dwell in these cracks and feed in the dried blood of the dead that has settled into the cracks. J.B., I'm just dropping you a line to let you know that I appreciate your interest in those recent and horrendous .44 killings. I also want to tell you that I read your column daily and I find it quite informative. Tell me Jim, what will you have for July twenty-ninth? You can forget about me if you like because I don't care for publicity. However you must not forget Donna Lauria and you cannot let the people forget her either. She was a very, very sweet girl but Sam's a thirsty lad and he won't let me stop killing until he gets his fill of blood. Mr. Breslin, sir, don't think that because you haven't heard from me for a while that I went to sleep. No, rather, I am still here. Like a spirit roaming the night. Thirsty, hungry, seldom stopping to rest; anxious to please Sam. I love my work. Now, the void has been filled. Perhaps we shall meet face to face someday or perhaps I will be blown away by cops with smoking .38's. Whatever, if I shall be fortunate enough to meet you I will tell you all about Sam if you like and I will introduce you to him. His name is "Sam the terrible." Not knowing what the future holds I shall say farewell and I will see you at the next job. Or should I say you will see my handiwork at the next job? Remember Ms. Lauria. Thank you. In their blood and from the gutter "Sam's creation" .44 Here are some names to help you along. Forward them to the inspector for use by N.C.I.C: "The Duke of Death" "The Wicked King Wicker" "The Twenty Two Disciples of Hell" "John 'Wheaties' – Rapist and Suffocator of Young Girls. PS: Please inform all the detectives working the slaying to remain. P.S: JB, Please inform all the detectives working the case that I wish them the best of luck. "Keep 'em digging, drive on, think positive, get off your butts, knock on coffins, etc." Upon my capture I promise to buy all the guys working the case a new pair of shoes if I can get up the money. Son of Sam


Underneath "Son of Sam" was a design that combined several symbols. The writer's question, "What will you have for July 29?" was considered an ominous threat: July 29 would be the anniversary of the Lauria-Valenti shooting. Breslin notified police, who thought the letter was probably from someone with knowledge of the shootings. The Breslin letter was sophisticated in its wording and presentation, especially when compared to the crudely written first letter, and police suspected it might have been created in an art studio or similar professional location by someone with expertise in printing, calligraphy or graphic design. The unusual all-capitals handwriting caused police to speculate the killer was a comic-book letterer, and they asked staff members of DC Comics whether they recognized the lettering. The "Wicked King Wicker" reference led police to arrange a private screening of the horror movie The Wicker Man (1973).


The Daily News published the letter a week later (agreeing with police to withhold portions of the text), and Breslin urged the killer to surrender. The dramatic article made that day's paper the highest-selling edition of the Daily News to date—more than 1.1 million copies were sold. Police received thousands of tips based on references in the publicized portions of the letter, all of which proved useless. As all of the shooting victims to date had long dark hair, thousands of women in New York City acquired short cuts or brightly colored dyes, and beauty supply stores had trouble meeting the demand for wigs.


Lupo and Placido shooting (June)


On June 26, 1977, Salvatore Lupo (20), a mechanic's helper, and Judy Placido (17), a recent high school graduate, had left the Elephas discotheque in Bayside, Queens, and were sitting in Lupo's parked car at about 3:00 a.m. when three gunshots blasted through the vehicle. Lupo was wounded in the right forearm, while Placido was shot in the right temple, shoulder and back of the neck; both victims survived their injuries. Lupo told police they had been discussing the Son of Sam case only moments before the shooting. Neither Lupo nor Placido had seen their attacker, but two witnesses reported a tall, dark-haired man in a leisure suit fleeing from the area; one claimed to see him leave in a car and even supplied a partial license plate number.


Moskowitz and Violante shooting (July)


Stacy Moskowitz


With the first anniversary of the initial .44 caliber shootings approaching, police established a sizable dragnet that emphasized past hunting grounds in Queens and the Bronx. However, the next and final .44 shooting occurred in Brooklyn.


Early on July 31, 1977, secretary Stacy Moskowitz and clothing salesman Robert Violante (both 20) were sitting in Violante's car, which was parked under a streetlight near a city park in Bath Beach, on their first date. They were kissing when a man approached within three feet (90 cm) of the passenger side of the car and fired four rounds, striking both victims in the head before he escaped into the park. Violante lost his left eye; Moskowitz, the only blonde victim of Berkowitz, died from her injuries.


That night, Detective John Falotico was awakened at home and told to report to the 10th Homicide Division at the 60th Precinct station house in Coney Island. He was given two weeks to work on the Moskowitz—Violante case as a normal murder investigation; if it could not be solved in that timeframe, it was to be given to the Son of Sam task force.


Suspicion and capture (August 1977)


Suspicion


Local resident Cacilia Davis was walking her dog at the scene of the Moskowitz—Violante shooting when she saw patrol officer Michael Cataneo ticketing a car parked near a fire hydrant. Moments after the traffic police had left, a young man walked past her from the area of the car and seemed to study her with some interest. Davis felt concerned because he was holding some kind of "dark object" in his hand. She ran to her home, only to hear shots fired behind her in the street. Davis remained silent about this experience for four days until she contacted police, who checked every car that had been ticketed in the area that night.  Berkowitz's yellow 1970 Ford Galaxie was among the cars they investigated.


On August 9, 1977, NYPD detective James Justis telephoned the Yonkers Police Department to ask them to schedule an interview with Berkowitz. The Yonkers police dispatcher who took his call was Wheat Carr, who recognized Berkowitz's name and said, "Let me tell you about him. I know him. He lives right behind me." She told Justis that Berkowitz had shot and wounded a black Labrador Retriever belonging to her father, Sam Carr. When Justis heard "Sam", he had a strong feeling that Berkowitz was the person they'd been looking for. Wheat Carr's brothers John and Michael were later alleged to be cult confederates of Berkowitz.


Justis asked Yonkers police for help tracking down Berkowitz. According to Mike Novotny, a Yonkers police sergeant, the department had their own suspicions about Berkowitz in connection with strange crimes in their jurisdiction, referred to in one of the Son of Sam letters. Yonkers investigators told Justis that Berkowitz might be behind the killings.


Arrest


The following day, on August 10, 1977, police investigated Berkowitz's car, which was parked outside his apartment building at 35 Pine Street, Yonkers. They saw a handgun in the back seat, subsequently searched the car and found a duffel bag filled with ammunition, maps of the crime scenes and a threatening letter addressed to Inspector Timothy Dowd of the Son of Sam task force. Police waited for Berkowitz to leave the apartment rather than risk a violent confrontation in the building's narrow hallway; they also waited to obtain a search warrant for the apartment, worried their search might otherwise be challenged in court.


The initial search of the vehicle was based on the handgun visible in the back seat, although possession of such a gun was legal in New York State and required no special permit. The warrant still had not arrived when Berkowitz exited the apartment building at about 10:00 p.m. and entered his car. Detective John Falotico approached the driver's side of the car and pointed his gun close to Berkowitz's temple, while Detective Sgt. William Gardella pointed his gun from the passenger's side.


A paper bag containing a .44 caliber Bulldog revolver of the type identified in ballistics tests was found next to Berkowitz in the car. Berkowitz then stated flatly, "Well, you got me." As described in Son of Sam (1981) by Lawrence D. Klausner, Falotico remembered the big, inexplicable smile on the man's face:


"Now that I've got you", Detective Falotico said to the suspect, "who have I got?"


"You know," the man said in what the detective remembered was a soft, almost sweet voice.


"No I don't. You tell me."


The man turned his head and said, "I'm Sam."


"You're Sam? Sam who?"


"Sam. David Berkowitz."


An alternate version reports that Berkowitz's first words were, "Well, you got me. How come it took you such a long time?" Falotico was officially credited by the NYPD as Berkowitz's arresting officer. Police searched his apartment and found it in disarray, with Satanic graffiti on the walls. They also found diaries he had kept since he was aged 21—three stenographer's notebooks nearly all-full, wherein Berkowitz meticulously noted hundreds of fires throughout New York City. Berkowitz confessed he was also the "Phantom of the Bronx", an unidentified individual or individuals responsible for more than 2,000 arsons committed around the city throughout the 1970s.


Soon after Berkowitz's arrest, the address of the apartment building was changed from 35 Pine Street to 42 Pine Street in an attempt to end its notoriety. Berkowitz was briefly held in a Yonkers police station before being transported directly to the 60th Precinct in Coney Island, where the Son of Sam task force was located. At about 1:00 a.m., Mayor Beame arrived to see the suspect personally.  After a brief and wordless encounter, he announced to the media: "The people of the City of New York can rest easy because of the fact that the police have captured a man whom they believe to be the Son of Sam."


Confession


Berkowitz was interrogated for about thirty minutes in the early morning of August 11, 1977. He quickly confessed to the shootings and expressed an interest in pleading guilty. The investigation was led by John Keenan, who took the confession. During questioning, Berkowitz claimed his neighbor's dog was one of the reasons he killed, stating the dog demanded the blood of pretty young girls. He said the "Sam" mentioned in the first letter was his former neighbor Sam Carr, and that Carr's black Labrador was possessed by an ancient demon which issued irresistible commands that Berkowitz kill people.


A few weeks after his capture, Berkowitz was permitted to communicate with the press. In a letter to the Post dated September 19, 1977, he alluded to his original story of demonic possession but closed with a warning interpreted by some investigators as an admission of criminal accomplices: "There are other Sons out there, God help the world." At a press conference in February 1979, however, Berkowitz declared his previous claims of demonic possession were a hoax. He later stated in a series of meetings with his special court-appointed psychiatrist, David Abrahamsen, that he had long contemplated murder to get revenge on a world he felt had rejected and hurt him. Berkowitz also told interrogators that he was planning to end his spree by "[going] down in a blaze of glory" at a Hamptons nightclub.


Sentencing and incarceration


Sentencing


Three mental health examinations determined Berkowitz was competent to stand trial. Despite this, defense lawyers advised him to enter a plea of not guilty by reason of insanity, but he refused. Berkowitz appeared calm in court on May 8, 1978, as he pleaded guilty to all of the shootings. At his sentencing two weeks later, Berkowitz caused an uproar when he attempted to jump out of a window of the seventh-floor courtroom. After he was restrained, he repeatedly chanted, "Stacy [his last victim] was a whore" and shouted, "I'd kill her again! I'd kill them all again!" The court ordered another psychiatric examination before sentencing could proceed. During the evaluation, Berkowitz drew a sketch of a jailed man surrounded by numerous walls; at the bottom he wrote, "I am not well. Not well at all." Nonetheless, Berkowitz was again found competent to stand trial.


On June 12, 1978, Berkowitz was sentenced to twenty-five-years-to-life in prison for each murder, to be served consecutively. He was ordered to serve time in Attica Correctional Facility, a maximum security prison in upstate New York.  Despite prosecutors' objections, the terms of Berkowitz's guilty plea made him eligible for parole in twenty-five years.


Detention


After his arrest, Berkowitz was initially confined to a psychiatric ward in Kings County Hospital, where staff reported he seemed remarkably untroubled by his new environment. On the day after his sentencing, he was taken first to Sing Sing prison, then to Clinton Correctional Facility in Dannemora, New York, for psychiatric and physical examinations.  Two more months were spent at the Central New York Psychiatric Center in Marcy before his admission to Attica prison.  There, in 1979, an attempt was made on Berkowitz's life in which the left side of his neck was slashed from front to back, resulting in a wound that required more than fifty stitches to close. Berkowitz refused to identify his assailant, and he claimed only that he was grateful for the attack: it brought a sense of justice or, in Berkowitz's own words, "the punishment I deserve".  However, Berkowitz later described his life in Attica as a "nightmare".


After the attack, for Berkowitz's own safety, he was held in solitary confinement in Attica. In 1981 he was moved to a new unit in Clinton Correctional Facility designed for inmates who cannot be kept in the general prison population. In 1987 he was moved to the general population at Sullivan Correctional Facility in Fallsburg, where he remained for many years. Later, he was transferred to Shawangunk Correctional Facility in Ulster County.


Evangelical faith


In 1987, Berkowitz claimed that he had become an evangelical Christian, reporting that his moment of conversion occurred after reading Psalm 34:6 from a Bible given to him by a fellow inmate. He expressed a wish to be referred to as the "Son of Hope" instead of "Son of Sam".


Soon after his imprisonment, Berkowitz invited Malachi Martin, an exorcist, to help him compose an autobiography, but the offer was not accepted. During later years, Berkowitz developed his memoirs with assistance from fellow evangelicals. His statements were released as a 1998 interview video Son of Hope, with a more extensive work released in book form, titled Son of Hope: The Prison Journals of David Berkowitz (2006). Berkowitz does not receive any royalties or profit from any sales of his works. He has continued to write essays on faith and repentance for evangelical websites.


A website is maintained on Berkowitz's behalf by a church group; like most prisoners in general, he is not allowed access to a computer. Berkowitz stays involved with prison ministry and regularly counsels troubled inmates. While in the Sullivan facility, he pursued education and graduated with honors from Sullivan Community College.


Parole hearings


Berkowitz is entitled to a parole hearing every two years as mandated by state law, though he has consistently refused to ask for his release, sometimes skipping the hearings altogether. Before his first parole hearing in 2002, Berkowitz sent a letter to New York Governor George Pataki requesting that it be canceled. He wrote, "In all honesty, I believe that I deserve to be in prison for the rest of my life. I have, with God's help, long ago come to terms with my situation and I have accepted my punishment." Officials at the Sullivan facility rejected his request.


At his 2016 hearing at Shawangunk, New York, Berkowitz stated that while parole was "unrealistic", he felt he had improved himself behind bars, adding: "I feel I am no risk, whatsoever." His lawyer, Mark Heller, noted that prison staff considered Berkowitz to be a "model prisoner". Despite this, commissioners denied parole. He was again denied parole at a twelfth hearing in May 2024. Ahead of this hearing, he acknowledged to the Post that he knew he had no chance of getting granted parole but still attended. "To not attend a hearing can be viewed as being defiant towards authority, and that's not me," Berkowitz said; he further added, "Most of all, I attend in order to openly apologize for my past crimes and to express my remorse." His next parole hearing was scheduled for May 2026.


Other activities


In 2002, during the D.C. sniper attacks, Berkowitz wrote a letter telling the sniper to "stop hurting innocent people." He made his comments in a three-page letter to Fox News personality Rita Cosby after she wrote to him seeking his comment on the attacks. During June 2005, Berkowitz sued one of his previous lawyers for the misappropriation of a large number of letters, photographs and other personal possessions. Hugo Harmatz, a New Jersey attorney, had represented Berkowitz in an earlier legal effort to prevent the National Enquirer from buying one of his letters. Harmatz then self-published his own collection of letters and memorabilia—Dear David (2005)—which he had obtained from Berkowitz during their consultations. Berkowitz stated that he would drop the lawsuit only if the attorney signed over all the money he made to the victims' families. In October 2006, Berkowitz and Harmatz settled out of court, with Harmatz agreeing to return the disputed items and to donate part of his book profits to the New York State Crime Victims Board.


Satanic cult accomplice claims


In 1979, Berkowitz mailed a book about witchcraft to police in North Dakota. He had underlined several passages and written a few marginal notes, including the phrase: "Arliss [sic] Perry, Hunted, Stalked and Slain. Followed to Calif. Stanford University." The reference was to Arlis Perry, a nineteen-year-old North Dakota newlywed who had been murdered at Stanford on October 12, 1974. Her death, and the notorious abuse of her corpse in a chapel on campus, was a widely reported case. Berkowitz mentioned the Perry attack in other letters, suggesting that he knew details of it from the perpetrator himself. Local police investigators interviewed him but by 2004 had concluded he had "nothing of value to offer." The Perry case was solved in 2018, with the perpetrator, Stanford security guard Stephen Blake Crawford, having no known connection to Berkowitz.


After his admission to Sullivan prison, Berkowitz began to claim that he had joined a Satanic cult in the spring of 1975. In 1993, he made these claims known when he announced to the press that he had killed only three of the Son of Sam victims: Lauria, Esau, and Suriani. In his revised version of the events, Berkowitz claimed that other shooters were involved and that he had only been the gunman in the Lauria—Valenti and Esau—Suriani attacks. He said that he and several other cult members were involved in every incident by planning the events, providing early surveillance of the victims and acting as lookouts and getaway drivers at the murder scenes. Berkowitz stated that he could not divulge the names of most of his accomplices without putting his family directly at risk.


Among Berkowitz's alleged unnamed associates was a female cult member who he claims fired the gun at Denaro and Keenan; Berkowitz attributed their survival to the alleged accomplice's unfamiliarity with the powerful recoil of a Bulldog revolver. He declared that "at least five" cult members were at the scene of the Freund–Diel shooting, but the actual shooter was a prominent cult associate who had been brought in from outside New York with an unspecified motive—a cult member whom he identified only by his nickname, "Manson II". Another unnamed person was the gunman in the Moskowitz–Violante case, a male cult member who had arrived from North Dakota for the occasion, also without explanation.


Berkowitz did name two of the alleged cult members: John and Michael Carr. The two men were sons of the dog-owner Sam Carr, and they lived on nearby Warburton Avenue. Both of these other "sons of Sam" were long dead: John had been killed in a shooting judged a suicide in North Dakota during 1978,  and Michael had been in a fatal car accident in 1979. Berkowitz claimed that the perpetrator of the DeMasi–Lomino shooting was John, and added that a Yonkers police officer, also a cult member, was involved in this crime. He claimed that Michael fired the shots at Lupo and Placido. Author Maurice Terry wrote that Michael was an active member of the Church of Scientology and noted that Berkowitz had been in possession of a list of telephone numbers—including the number for the Fort Harrison Hotel, the church's spiritual headquarters in Clearwater, Florida—at the time of his arrest. In a video interview posted in 2016, Berkowitz said he had been influenced by reading literature from the Process Church of the Final Judgement.


Competing ideas


Journalist John Hockenberry asserted that, even apart from the Satanic cult claims, some officials doubted the single-shooter theory, writing:


"What most don't know about the Son of Sam case is that from the beginning, not everyone bought the idea that Berkowitz acted alone."


John Santucci, the Queens district attorney at the time of the killings, and police investigator Mike Novotny both expressed their convictions that Berkowitz had accomplices. NYPD officer Richard Johnson, involved in the original investigation, opined that unresolved discrepancies in statements from witnesses and surviving victims indicate Berkowitz did not act alone:


"Why are there three [suspect] cars, five different [suspect] descriptions, different heights, different shapes, different sizes of the perpetrator? Somebody else was there."


Other contemporaries voiced their belief in the Satanic cult theory, including Donna Lauria's father. Berkowitz survivor Carl Denaro stated his opinion that "more than one person was involved" but admitted he could not prove the cult theory. His conclusion rests on his criticism of Berkowitz's statement to police as "totally false."


Diel's recollection is that he physically bumped into Berkowitz outside the Wine Gallery restaurant as he and Freund departed and walked to his car where the shooting occurred; Berkowitz, in contrast, told police that he passed within a few feet of Diel and Freund shortly before they entered the car. Diel contends he and Freund passed no one on their way to the car, and that the position of the car parked at the curb would have made it impossible for Berkowitz to have sneaked up on them in the few minutes between their encounter outside the restaurant and the shooting at the car; Diel thus reasons he was shot by someone other than Berkowitz.


Journalist Maury Terry published a series of investigative articles for Gannett newspapers in 1979 which challenged the official finding of a lone gunman in the Son of Sam case. Largely impelled by reports of accomplices and Satanic cult activity, the Son of Sam case was reopened by Yonkers police during 1996, but no new charges were filed. Due to a lack of findings, the investigation was eventually suspended but remains open.


Skeptics


Berkowitz's later claims about having been in a Satanic cult were widely dismissed. Breslin rejected his story of Satanic cult accomplices, stating that "when they talked to David Berkowitz that night, he recalled everything step by step by step. The guy has 1,000 percent recall and that's it. He's the guy and there's nothing else to look at." Other skeptics included former FBI profiler John Edward Douglas, who spent hours interviewing Berkowitz and concluded he was an "introverted loner, not capable of being involved in group activity." NYPD psychologist Dr. Harvey Schlossberg stated in Against The Law, a documentary about the Son of Sam case, that he believes that the Satanic cult claims are nothing but a fantasy concocted by Berkowitz to absolve himself of guilt. In his book Hunting Humans (2001), Elliott Leyton argued that "recent journalistic attempts to abridge—or even deny—Berkowitz's guilt have lacked all credibility."


Legacy


Decades after his arrest, the name "Son of Sam" remains widely recognized as that of a notorious serial killer, with popular culture manifestations perpetuating this. Berkowitz himself continues to express remorse on Christian websites. and on more mainstream news, including speaking out against gun violence and instead spreading the message to "take the glory out of guns".


Neysa Moskowitz, who previously had not hidden her hatred of Berkowitz, wrote him a letter shortly before her own death in 2006, forgiving him for killing her daughter, Stacy. Moskowitz lost all her children at young ages (Jody, aged 9, in a possible suicide in 1968; Stacy; and Ricky, aged 37, in 1999 of scleroderma).


Legal effects


After rampant speculation about publishers offering Berkowitz large sums of money for his story, the New York State Legislature swiftly passed a new law that prevented convicted criminals (and their relatives) from making any financial profit from books, movies or other enterprises related to the stories of their crimes. The United States Supreme Court struck down the so-called "Son of Sam law" for violating the First Amendment's right of free expression in the 1991 case of Simon & Schuster, Inc. v. Crime Victims Board, but New York produced a constitutionally revised version of the law in the following year. Similar laws have since been enacted in forty-one states and at the federal level.


In popular culture


Literature


Breslin, in collaboration with writer Dick Schaap, published a novelized account of the murders, .44 (1978), less than a year after Berkowitz's arrest. The highly fictionalized plot recounts the exploits of a Berkowitz-based character dubbed "Bernard Rosenfeld." Outside of North America, the book was renamed Son of Sam.


The 2016 young adult novel Burn Baby Burn by Meg Medina is set in New York City during 1977, and depicts how fear of being one of the Son of Sam victims affected the daily lives of people. He is also referred to by Lee Child in his Jack Reacher novella High Heat (2013).


TV and film


The Spike Lee drama Summer of Sam was released in 1999, with actor Michael Badalucco in the role of Berkowitz. The film depicts the tensions that develop in a Bronx neighborhood during the shootings, and Berkowitz's part is largely symbolic. A minor character in the script, he functions "mostly as a berserk metaphor for Lee's view of the seventies as a period of amoral excess." Berkowitz was reported to be disturbed by what he called exploitation of "the ugliness of the past" in Lee's film.


Other movie portrayals of Berkowitz include Ulli Lommel's Son of Sam (2008; direct-to-video) and the CBS television movie Out of the Darkness (1985). The character of Son of Sam played a significant minor role in the miniseries The Bronx Is Burning (2007), played by Paul Marini. Oliver Cooper portrayed him in the TV series Mindhunter (2019). In 2021, Netflix released documentary series The Sons of Sam: A Descent Into Darkness, going back to describing in detail the Satanic cult theory as well as Maury Terry's investigations into the case.


In the Seinfeld episode "The Diplomat's Club," Kramer uses the mailbag of David Berkowitz, owned by Newman, as collateral for a bet on airplane arrival times. In another Seinfeld episode, "The Frogger," Kramer proposes the name "Son of Dad" as a nickname for a serial killer called The Lopper, a reference to Berkowitz's nickname "Son of Sam." In the Seinfeld episode "The Junk Mail," Jerry's friend Frankie finds George in Jerry's van and says through the closed driver's side window, "Seinfeld's van!" George mistakes this for "Son of Sam!" and exclaims, "I knew it wasn't Berkowitz!" In the episode "The Engagement" Newman says, when the police arrive to arrest him, "What took you so long?", echoing Berkowitz.


In the Only Murders in the Building episode "The Tell", several characters play a card game created for the television show called "Son of Sam". This game is similar to the party game Mafia, where one player is assigned the role of a killer, in this case the Son of Sam, who eliminates other players over a series of rounds. Each round, the other players have the opportunity to try to guess who is the Son of Sam.


Music


Son of Sam has been mistakenly associated with the contemporaneous song "Psycho Killer" (1977) by Talking Heads. Likewise, Elliott Smith stated that his song "Son of Sam" is not literally about Berkowitz, a claim some have found hard to believe due to the song's lyrics. Compositions more directly inspired by the events include:


"Son of Sam" (1978) by the Dead Boys

"Son of Sam" by Chain Gang

"Looking Down the Barrel of a Gun" (1989) by the Beastie Boys

Todd Rundgren mentioned the Son of Sam on his song "Bag Lady" from his 1978 album Hermit of Mink Hollow. Billy Joel mentioned these events in the opening line of his song "Close to the Borderline" on his 1980 album Glass Houses. Hall & Oates referenced Berkowitz on their 1980 song "Diddy Doo Wop (I Hear the Voices)". Guitarist Scott Putesky used the stage name "Daisy Berkowitz" while playing with Marilyn Manson in the 1990s, and the band's song "Son of Man" conspicuously describes Berkowitz. Several other rock musicians established a full ensemble named Son of Sam during 2000. Shinedown included a song called "Son of Sam" on their 2008 album The Sound of Madness. A cartoon composite of Berkowitz and the breakfast cereal icon Toucan Sam was featured in Green Jellÿ's comedy-rock video Cereal Killer (1992) by the name of "Toucan Son of Sam," but it was later removed under threat of a copyright lawsuit by the Kellogg Company. In 2016, rapper Lucki released an EP named Son of Sam, which featured a cover taken from the final page of Berkowitz's first letter.


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Stine, Alison (July 20, 2022). ""Only Murders in the Building": Inside Oliver's deadly game night". Salon. Retrieved August 3, 2022.

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Minsker, Evan (February 2, 2014). "R.I.P. Chain Gang's Ricky Luanda". Pitchfork. Retrieved January 27, 2018.

Reighley, Kurt (1998). Marilyn Manson. New York: Macmillan. p. 17. ISBN 978-0-312-18133-8. Retrieved August 18, 2013.

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Bibliography


Abrahamsen, David (1985). Confessions of Son of Sam. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-05760-1.

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Foreman, Laura (1992). Serial Killers: True Crime (hardcover ed.). Virginia: Time-Life Books. ISBN 978-0-7835-0001-0.

Gibson, Dirk C. (2010). Clues from Killers: Serial Murder and Crime Scene Messages. Westport, CT: Praeger. p. 13. ISBN 978-0-275-98360-4. Archived from the original on February 2, 2017. Retrieved August 26, 2017.

Guiley, Rosemary Ellen (2009). The Encyclopedia of Demons and Demonology. Infobase Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4381-3191-7.

Harmening, William M. (2014). Serial Killers: The Psychosocial Development of Humanity's Worst Offenders. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas Publisher Ltd. ISBN 978-0398081140.

Klausner, Lawrence D. (1981). Son of Sam: Based on the Authorized Transcription of the Tapes, Official Documents and Diaries of David Berkowitz. New York: McGraw-Hill. ISBN 0-07-035027-2.

Leyton, Elliot (2001). Hunting Humans: The rise of the modern multiple murderer. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 0-7867-1228-7.[permanent dead link]

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Further reading

Harmatz, Hugo (2005) Dear David: Letters to Inmate #78-A-1976, Son of Sam. Benra Publ. ISBN 0-9768093-0-3.

David Berkowitz collection (not yet digitized): Letters received by Berkowitz while incarcerated in prison, written by various correspondents. Housed at Lloyd Sealy Library Special Collections, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, New York City.


External links


Wikimedia Commons logo

Wikimedia Commons has media related to David Berkowitz.

Welcome to The People vs. David Berkowitz, repository of investigatory files and documents relating to the David Berkowitz case

Arise and Shine, official website

Domitian

 


Domitian (/dəˈmɪʃən, -iən/ ⓘ də-MISH-ən, -⁠ee-ən; Latin: Domitianus; 24 October 51 – 18 September 96) was Roman emperor from 81 to 96. As the son of Vespasian and the younger brother of Titus, his two predecessors on the throne, he was the last member of the Flavian dynasty. Described by the historian Brian W. Jones as "a ruthless but efficient autocrat", his authoritarian style of ruling put him at sharp odds with the Senate, whose powers he drastically curtailed.


Domitian had a minor and largely ceremonial role during the reigns of his father and brother. After the death of his brother, Domitian was declared emperor by the Praetorian Guard. His 15-year reign was the longest since Tiberius. As emperor, Domitian strengthened the economy by revaluing the Roman coinage, expanded the border defenses of the empire, and initiated a massive building program to restore the damaged city of Rome. Significant wars were fought in Britain, where his general Agricola made significant gains in his attempt to conquer Caledonia (Scotland), and in Dacia (modern-day Romania), where Domitian was unable to achieve a decisive victory against King Decebalus. Domitian's government exhibited strong authoritarian characteristics. Religious, military, and cultural propaganda fostered a cult of personality, and by nominating himself as perpetual censor, he sought to control public and private morals.


As a consequence, Domitian was popular with the people and the army, but considered a tyrant by members of the Roman Senate. Domitian's reign came to an end in 96 when he was assassinated by court officials. He was succeeded the same day by his advisor Nerva. After his death, Domitian's memory was condemned to oblivion by the Senate, while senatorial and equestrian authors such as Tacitus, Pliny the Younger, and Suetonius propagated the view of Domitian as a cruel and paranoid tyrant. Modern revisionists have instead characterized Domitian as a ruthless but efficient autocrat whose cultural, economic, and political programs provided the foundation of the peaceful second century.


Early life


Background and family


The Flavian family tree, indicating the descendants of Titus Flavius Petro and Tertulla

Domitian was born in Rome on 24 October 51, the youngest son of Titus Flavius Vespasianus—commonly known as Vespasian—and Flavia Domitilla Major. He had an older sister, Domitilla the Younger, and brother, also named Titus Flavius Vespasianus. Decades of civil war during the 1st century BC had contributed greatly to the demise of the old aristocracy of Rome, which a new Italian nobility gradually replaced in prominence during the early part of the 1st century. One such family, the Flavians, or Flavia gens, rose from relative obscurity to prominence in just four generations, acquiring wealth and status under the emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty.


Domitian's great-grandfather, Titus Flavius Petro, had served as a centurion under Pompey during Caesar's civil war. His military career ended in disgrace when he fled the battlefield at the Battle of Pharsalus in 48 BC. Nevertheless, Petro managed to improve his status by marrying the extremely wealthy Tertulla, whose fortune guaranteed the upward mobility of Petro's son Titus Flavius Sabinus, Domitian's grandfather. Sabinus himself amassed further wealth and possible equestrian status through his services as tax collector in Asia and banker in Helvetia (modern Switzerland). By marrying Vespasia Polla he allied the Flavian family to the more prestigious gens Vespasia, ensuring the elevation of his sons Titus Flavius Sabinus and Vespasian to senatorial rank.



A denarius of Domitian. Inscription: CAES. DOMIT. AVG. GERM. P. M., TR. P. XIIII.

The political career of Vespasian included the offices of quaestor, aedile, and praetor, and culminated in a consulship in 51, the year of Domitian's birth. As a military commander, Vespasian gained early renown by participating in the Roman invasion of Britain in 43. Nevertheless, ancient sources allege poverty for the Flavian family at the time of Domitian's upbringing,[7] even claiming Vespasian had fallen into disrepute under the emperors Caligula (37–41) and Nero (54–68). Modern history has refuted these claims, suggesting these stories later circulated under Flavian rule as part of a propaganda campaign to diminish success under the less reputable Emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty and to maximize achievements under Emperor Claudius (41–54) and his son Britannicus.


By all appearances, the Flavians enjoyed high imperial favour throughout the 40s and 60s. While Titus received a court education in the company of Britannicus, Vespasian pursued a successful political and military career. Following a prolonged period of retirement during the 50s, he returned to public office under Nero, serving as proconsul of the Africa Province in 63, and accompanying the emperor Nero during an official tour of Greece in 66. That same year Jews from the Province of Judaea revolted against the Roman Empire, sparking what is now known as the First Jewish–Roman War. Vespasian was assigned to lead the Roman army against the insurgents, with Titus—who had completed his military education by this time—in charge of a legion.


Youth and character


Of the three Flavian emperors, Domitian would rule the longest, despite the fact that his youth and early career were largely spent in the shadow of his older brother. Titus had gained military renown during the First Jewish–Roman War. After their father Vespasian became emperor in 69 following the civil war known as the Year of the Four Emperors, Titus held a great many offices, while Domitian received honours, but no responsibilities. By the time he was 16 years old, Domitian's mother and sister had long since died, while his father and brother were continuously active in the Roman military, commanding armies in Germania and Judaea. For Domitian, this meant that a significant part of his adolescence was spent in the absence of his near relatives.


During the Jewish–Roman wars, he was likely taken under the care of his uncle Titus Flavius Sabinus II, at the time serving as city prefect of Rome; or possibly even Marcus Cocceius Nerva, a loyal friend of the Flavians and the future successor to Domitian. He received the education of a young man of the privileged senatorial class, studying rhetoric and literature. In his biography in the Lives of the Twelve Caesars, Suetonius attests to Domitian's ability to quote the important poets and writers such as Homer or Virgil on appropriate occasions, and describes him as a learned and educated adolescent, with elegant conversation. Among his first published works were poetry, as well as writings on law and administration. Unlike his brother Titus, Domitian was not educated at court. Whether he received formal military training is not recorded, but according to Suetonius, he displayed considerable marksmanship with the bow and arrow. A detailed description of Domitian's appearance and character is provided by Suetonius, who devotes a substantial part of his biography to his personality:


He was tall of stature, with a modest expression and a high colour. His eyes were large, but his sight was somewhat dim. He was handsome and graceful too, especially when a young man, and indeed in his whole body with the exception of his feet, the toes of which were somewhat cramped. In later life he had the further disfigurement of baldness, a protruding belly, and spindling legs, though the latter had become thin from a long illness.


Domitian was allegedly extremely sensitive regarding his baldness, which he disguised in later life by wearing wigs. According to Suetonius, he even wrote a book on the subject of hair care. With regard to Domitian's personality, however, the account of Suetonius alternates sharply between portraying Domitian as the emperor-tyrant, a man both physically and intellectually lazy, and the intelligent, refined personality drawn elsewhere. Historian Brian Jones concludes in The Emperor Domitian that assessing the true nature of Domitian's personality is inherently complicated by the bias of the surviving sources. Common threads nonetheless emerge from the available evidence. He appears to have lacked the natural charisma of his brother and father. He was prone to suspicion, displayed an odd, sometimes self-deprecating sense of humour, and often communicated in cryptic ways. This ambiguity of character was further exacerbated by his remoteness, and as he grew older, he increasingly displayed a preference for solitude, which may have stemmed from his isolated upbringing. Indeed, by the age of eighteen nearly all of his closest relatives had died by war or disease. Having spent the greater part of his early life in the twilight of Nero's reign, Domitian's formative years would have been strongly influenced by the political turmoil of the 60s, culminating with the civil war of 69, which brought his family to power.


Rise of the Flavians


Year of the Four Emperors


On 9 June 68, amid growing opposition of the Senate and the army, Nero committed suicide and with him the Julio-Claudian dynasty came to an end. Chaos ensued, leading to a year of brutal civil war known as the Year of the Four Emperors, during which the four most influential generals in the Roman Empire—Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian—successively vied for imperial power. News of Nero's death reached Vespasian as he was preparing to besiege the city of Jerusalem. Almost simultaneously the Senate had declared Galba, then governor of Hispania Tarraconensis (modern northern Spain), as Emperor of Rome. Rather than continue his campaign, Vespasian decided to await further orders and send Titus to greet the new Emperor. Before reaching Italy, Titus learnt that Galba had been murdered and replaced by Otho, the governor of Lusitania (modern Portugal). At the same time Vitellius and his armies in Germania had risen in revolt and prepared to march on Rome, intent on overthrowing Otho. Not wanting to risk being taken hostage by one side or the other, Titus abandoned the journey to Rome and rejoined his father in Judaea.


Otho and Vitellius realized the potential threat posed by the Flavian faction. With four legions at his disposal, Vespasian commanded a strength of nearly 80,000 soldiers. His position in Judaea further granted him the advantage of being nearest to the vital province of Egypt, which controlled the grain supply to Rome. His brother Titus Flavius Sabinus II, as city prefect, commanded the entire city garrison of Rome.[ Tensions among the Flavian troops ran high but so long as either Galba or Otho remained in power, Vespasian refused to take action. When Otho was defeated by Vitellius at the First Battle of Bedriacum, the armies in Judaea and Egypt took matters into their own hands and declared Vespasian emperor on 1 July 69. Vespasian accepted and entered an alliance with Gaius Licinius Mucianus, the governor of Syria, against Vitellius. A strong force drawn from the Judaean and Syrian legions marched on Rome under the command of Mucianus, while Vespasian travelled to Alexandria, leaving Titus in charge of ending the Jewish rebellion.


In Rome, Domitian was placed under house arrest by Vitellius, as a safeguard against Flavian aggression. Support for the old emperor waned as more legions around the empire pledged their allegiance to Vespasian. On 24 October 69, the forces of Vitellius and Vespasian (under Marcus Antonius Primus) met at the Second Battle of Bedriacum, which ended in a crushing defeat for the armies of Vitellius. In despair, Vitellius attempted to negotiate a surrender. Terms of peace, including a voluntary abdication, were agreed upon with Titus Flavius Sabinus II but the soldiers of the Praetorian Guard—the imperial bodyguard—considered such a resignation disgraceful and prevented Vitellius from carrying out the treaty. On the morning of 18 December, the emperor appeared to deposit the imperial insignia at the Temple of Concord but at the last minute retraced his steps to the Imperial palace. In the confusion, the leading men of the state gathered at Sabinus' house, proclaiming Vespasian as Emperor, but the multitude dispersed when Vitellian cohorts clashed with the armed escort of Sabinus, who was forced to retreat to the Capitoline Hill.


During the night, he was joined by his relatives, including Domitian. The armies of Mucianus were nearing Rome but the besieged Flavian party did not hold out for longer than a day. On 19 December, Vitellianists burst onto the Capitol and in a skirmish, Sabinus was captured and executed. Domitian managed to escape by disguising himself as a worshipper of Isis and spent the night in safety with one of his father's supporters, Cornelius Primus. By the afternoon of 20 December, Vitellius was dead, his armies having been defeated by the Flavian legions. With nothing more to be feared, Domitian came forward to meet the invading forces; he was universally saluted by the title of Caesar and the mass of troops conducted him to his father's house. The following day, 21 December, the Senate proclaimed Vespasian emperor of the Roman Empire.


Aftermath of the war


Although the war had officially ended, a state of anarchy and lawlessness pervaded in the first days following the demise of Vitellius. Order was properly restored by Mucianus in early 70 but Vespasian did not enter Rome until September of that year. In the meantime, Domitian acted as the representative of the Flavian family in the Roman Senate. He received the title of Caesar and was appointed praetor with consular power. The ancient historian Tacitus describes Domitian's first speech in the Senate as brief and measured, at the same time noting his ability to elude awkward questions. Domitian's authority was merely nominal, foreshadowing what was to be his role for at least ten more years. By all accounts, Mucianus held the real power in Vespasian's absence and he was careful to ensure that Domitian, still only eighteen years old, did not overstep the boundaries of his function.


Strict control was also maintained over the young Caesar's entourage, promoting away Flavian generals such as Arrius Varus and Antonius Primus and replacing them with more reliable men such as Arrecinus Clemens. Equally curtailed by Mucianus were Domitian's military ambitions. The civil war of 69 had severely destabilized the provinces, leading to several local uprisings such as the Batavian revolt in Gaul. Batavian auxiliaries of the Rhine legions, led by Gaius Julius Civilis, had rebelled with the aid of a faction of Treveri under the command of Julius Classicus. Seven legions were sent from Rome, led by Vespasian's brother-in-law Quintus Petillius Cerialis.


Although the revolt was quickly suppressed, exaggerated reports of disaster prompted Mucianus to depart the capital with reinforcements of his own. Domitian eagerly sought the opportunity to attain military glory and joined the other officers with the intention of commanding a legion of his own. According to Tacitus, Mucianus was not keen on this prospect but since he considered Domitian a liability in any capacity that was entrusted to him, he preferred to keep him close at hand rather than in Rome. When news arrived of Cerialis' victory over Civilis, Mucianus tactfully dissuaded Domitian from pursuing further military endeavours. Domitian then wrote to Cerialis personally, suggesting he hand over command of his army but, once again, he was snubbed. With the return of Vespasian in late September, his political role was rendered all but obsolete and Domitian withdrew from government devoting his time to arts and literature.


Marriage


Where his political and military career had ended in disappointment, Domitian's private affairs were more successful. In 70 Vespasian attempted to arrange a dynastic marriage between his youngest son and the daughter of Titus, Julia Flavia, but Domitian was adamant in his love for Domitia Longina, going so far as to persuade her husband, Lucius Aelius Lamia Plautius Aelianus, to divorce her so that Domitian could marry her himself. Despite its initial recklessness, the alliance was very prestigious for both families. Domitia Longina was the younger daughter of Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo, a respected general and honoured politician who had distinguished himself for his leadership in Armenia. Following the failed Pisonian conspiracy against Nero in 65, he had been forced to commit suicide. She was also a granddaughter of Junia Lepida, a descendant of Emperor Augustus. The new marriage not only re-established ties to senatorial opposition, but also served the broader Flavian propaganda of the time, which sought to diminish Vespasian's political success under Nero. Instead, connections to Claudius and Britannicus were emphasised, and Nero's victims, or those otherwise disadvantaged by him, rehabilitated.


In 80, Domitia and Domitian's only attested son was born. It is not known what the boy's name was, but he died in childhood in 83. Shortly following his accession as emperor, Domitian bestowed the honorific title of Augusta upon Domitia, while their son was deified, appearing as such on the reverse of coin types from this period.Nevertheless, the marriage appears to have faced a significant crisis in 83. For reasons unknown, Domitian briefly exiled Domitia, and then soon recalled her, either out of love or due to rumours that he was carrying on a relationship with his niece Julia Flavia. Jones argues that most likely he did so for her failure to produce an heir. By 84, Domitia had returned to the palace, where she lived for the remainder of Domitian's reign without incident. Little is known of Domitia's activities as empress, or how much influence she wielded in Domitian's government, but it seems her role was limited. From Suetonius, we know that she at least accompanied the Emperor to the amphitheatre, while the Jewish writer Josephus speaks of benefits he received from her. It is not known whether Domitian had other children, but he did not marry again. Despite allegations by Roman sources of adultery and divorce, the marriage appears to have been happy.


Ceremonial heir (71–81)


Before becoming Emperor, Domitian's role in the Flavian government was largely ceremonial. In June 71, Titus returned triumphant from the war in Judaea. Ultimately, the rebellion had claimed the lives of tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, a majority of whom were Jewish. The city and temple of Jerusalem were completely destroyed, its most valuable treasures carried off by the Roman army, and nearly 100,000 people were captured and enslaved. For his victory, the Senate awarded Titus a Roman triumph. On the day of the festivities, the Flavian family rode into the capital, preceded by a lavish parade that displayed the spoils of the war. The family procession was headed by Vespasian and Titus, while Domitian, riding a magnificent white horse, followed with the remaining Flavian relatives.


Leaders of the Jewish resistance were executed in the Forum Romanum, after which the procession closed with religious sacrifices at the Temple of Jupiter. A triumphal arch, the Arch of Titus, was eventually erected at the south-east entrance to the Forum to commemorate the successful end of the war. Yet the return of Titus further highlighted the comparative insignificance of Domitian, both militarily and politically. As the eldest and most experienced of Vespasian's sons, Titus shared tribunician power with his father, received seven consulships, the censorship, and was given command of the Praetorian Guard; powers that left no doubt he was the designated heir to the Empire. As a second son, Domitian held honorary titles, such as Caesar and princeps iuventutis, and several priesthoods, including those of augur, pontifex, frater arvalis, magister frater arvalium, and sacerdos collegiorum omnium, but no office with imperium. He held six consulships during Vespasian's reign but only one of these, in 73, was an ordinary consulship. The other five were less prestigious suffect consulships, which he held in 71, 75, 76, 77 and 79 respectively, usually replacing his father or brother in mid-January.


While ceremonial, these offices no doubt gained Domitian valuable experience in the Roman Senate, and may have contributed to his later reservations about its relevance. Under Vespasian and Titus, non-Flavians were virtually excluded from the important public offices. Mucianus himself all but disappeared from historical records during this time, and it is believed he died sometime between 75 and 77. Real power was unmistakably concentrated in the hands of the Flavian faction; the weakened Senate only maintained the facade of democracy. Because Titus effectively acted as co-emperor with his father, no abrupt change in Flavian policy occurred when Vespasian died on 24 June 79. Titus assured Domitian that full partnership in the government would soon be his, but neither tribunician power nor imperium of any kind was conferred upon him during Titus' brief reign.


Two major disasters struck during 79 and 80. In October/November 79, Mount Vesuvius erupted, burying the surrounding cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum under metres of ash and lava; the following year, a fire broke out in Rome that lasted three days and destroyed a number of important public buildings. Consequently, Titus spent much of his reign coordinating relief efforts and restoring damaged property. On 13 September 81, after barely two years in office, he unexpectedly died of fever during a trip to the Sabine territories. Ancient authors have implicated Domitian in the death of his brother, either by directly accusing him of murder, or implying he left the ailing Titus for dead, even alleging that during his lifetime, Domitian was openly plotting against his brother. It is difficult to assess the factual veracity of these statements given the known bias of the surviving sources. Brotherly affection was likely at a minimum, but this was hardly surprising, considering that Domitian had barely seen Titus after the age of seven. Whatever the nature of their relationship, Domitian seems to have displayed little sympathy when his brother lay dying, instead making for the Praetorian camp where he was proclaimed emperor. The following day, 14 September, the Senate confirmed Domitian's powers, granting tribunician power, the office of pontifex maximus, and the titles of Augustus ("venerable"), and Pater Patriae ("father of the country").


Emperor (81–96)


Rule


A silver tetradrachm of Domitian from the Antioch Mint in Syria, c. 91–92 AD

As emperor, Domitian quickly dispensed with the republican facade his father and brother had maintained during their reign. By moving the centre of government to the imperial court, Domitian openly rendered the Senate's powers obsolete. According to Pliny the Younger, Domitian believed that the Roman Empire was to be governed as a divine monarchy with himself as the benevolent despot at its head. In addition to exercising absolute political power, Domitian believed the emperor's role encompassed every aspect of daily life, guiding the Roman people as a cultural and moral authority. To usher in the new era, he embarked on ambitious economic, military, and cultural programs with the intention of restoring the Empire to the splendour it had seen under the Emperor Augustus.


Despite these grand designs, Domitian was determined to govern the Empire conscientiously and scrupulously. He became personally involved in all branches of the administration: edicts were issued governing the smallest details of everyday life and law, while taxation and public morals were rigidly enforced. According to Suetonius, the imperial bureaucracy never ran more efficiently than under Domitian, whose exacting standards and suspicious nature maintained historically low corruption among provincial governors and elected officials. Although he made no pretence regarding the significance of the Senate under his absolute rule, those senators he deemed unworthy were expelled from the Senate, and in the distribution of public offices he rarely favoured family members, a policy that stood in contrast to the nepotism practiced by Vespasian and Titus.


Above all, however, Domitian valued loyalty and malleability in those he assigned to strategic posts, qualities he found more often in men of the equestrian order than in members of the Senate or his own family, whom he regarded with suspicion, and promptly removed from office if they disagreed with imperial policy. The reality of Domitian's autocracy was further highlighted by the fact that, more than any emperor since Tiberius, he spent significant periods of time away from the capital. Although the Senate's power had been in decline since the fall of the Republic, under Domitian the seat of power was no longer even in Rome, but rather wherever the Emperor was. Until the completion of the Flavian Palace on the Palatine Hill, the imperial court was situated at Alba or Circeii, and sometimes even farther afield. Domitian toured the European provinces extensively, and spent at least three years of his reign in Germania and Illyricum, conducting military campaigns on the frontiers of the Empire.


Building program


At the time of Domitian's accession the city was still suffering from the damage caused by the civil war of 69 and the fire in 80. Much more than a renovation project, Domitian's building program was intended to be the crowning achievement of an Empire-wide cultural renaissance. Around fifty structures were erected, restored or completed, achievements second only to those of Augustus. Among the most important new structures were the Stadium of Domitian (today occupied by the Piazza Navona) and the neighbouring Odeon of Domitian, Rome's first permanent venues for Greek-style athletics and artistic competitions which he reintroduced with the Capitoline Games.


The most important building Domitian restored was the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill, said to have been covered with a gilded roof:


"Even the gilding alone of this temple's roof, costing more than 12,000 talents, is beyond the means of the richest private citizen in Rome today."


His expansive and sumptuous palace on the Palatine Hill known as the Flavian Palace was designed by Domitian's master architect Rabirius.


Among buildings he completed were the Temple of Vespasian and Titus, the Arch of Titus and the Colosseum, to which he added a fourth level and finished the interior seating area.


In Egypt too, Domitian was active in constructing buildings and decorating them. He appears, together with Trajan, in offering scenes on the propylon of the Temple of Hathor at Dendera. His cartouche also appears in the column shafts of the Temple of Khnum at Esna.


Palaces and villas


For his personal use, he was active in constructing many monumental buildings, including the Villa of Domitian, a vast and sumptuous palace situated 20 km outside Rome in the Alban Hills. In Rome itself, he built the sumptuous Palace of Domitian on the Palatine Hill


"...if anyone who is amazed at the costliness of the Capitol had seen a single colonnade in the palace of Domitian.....he would have been moved to say to Domitian: Tis not pious, nor nobly ambitious that thou art; thou art diseased; thy mania is to build; like the famous Midas, thou desirest that every thing become gold and stone at thy touch."


Seven other villa-palaces are linked with Domitian at Tusculum, Antium, Sabaudia, Vicarello, Caieta, Terracina and Baiae. Only those at Sabaudia and Vicarello have been positively identified.


Economy


Upon his accession, Domitian revalued the Roman currency by increasing the silver content of the denarius by 8.88%.


Domitian's tendency towards micromanagement was nowhere more evident than in his financial policy. The question of whether Domitian left the Roman Empire in debt or with a surplus at the time of his death has been fiercely debated. The evidence points to a balanced economy for the greater part of Domitian's reign. Upon his accession he revalued the Roman currency dramatically. He increased the silver purity of the denarius from 90% to 98% – the actual silver weight increasing from 2.87 grams to 3.26 grams. A financial crisis in 85 forced a devaluation of the silver purity and weight to 93.5% and 3.04 grams respectively. Nevertheless, the new values were still higher than the levels that Vespasian and Titus had maintained during their reigns. Domitian's rigorous taxation policy ensured that this standard was sustained for the following eleven years. Coinage from this era displays a highly consistent degree of quality including meticulous attention to Domitian's titulature and refined artwork on the reverse portraits.


Jones estimates Domitian's annual income at more than 1.2 billion sestertii, of which over one-third would presumably have been spent maintaining the Roman army.


In order to appease the people of Rome an estimated 135 million sestertii was spent on donatives, or congiaria, throughout Domitian's reign. The Emperor also revived the practice of public banquets, which had been reduced to a simple distribution of food under Nero, while he invested large sums on entertainment and games. In 86 he founded the Capitoline Games in his stadium, a quadrennial contest comprising athletic displays, chariot racing, and competitions for oratory, music and acting.


Military campaigns


The military campaigns undertaken during Domitian's reign were generally defensive in nature, as the Emperor rejected the idea of expansionist warfare. His most significant military contribution was the development of the Limes Germanicus, which encompassed a vast network of roads, forts and watchtowers constructed along the Rhine river to defend the Empire. Nevertheless, several important wars were fought in Gaul, against the Chatti, and across the Danube frontier against the Suebi, the Sarmatians, and the Dacians.


The conquest of Britain continued under the command of Gnaeus Julius Agricola, who expanded the Roman Empire as far as Caledonia, or modern day Scotland. Domitian also founded a new legion in 82, the Legio I Minervia, to fight against the Chatti. Domitian is also credited on the easternmost evidence of Roman military presence, the rock inscription near Boyukdash mountain, in present-day Azerbaijan. As judged by the carved titles of Caesar, Augustus and Germanicus, the related march took place between 84 and 96 AD.


Domitian's administration of the Roman army was characterized by the same fastidious involvement he exhibited in other branches of the government. His competence as a military strategist was criticized by his contemporaries however. Although he claimed several triumphs, these were largely propaganda manoeuvres. Tacitus derided Domitian's victory against the Chatti as a "mock triumph", and criticized his decision to retreat in Britain following the conquests of Agricola. Nevertheless, Domitian appears to have been very popular among the soldiers, spending an estimated three years of his reign among the army on campaigns—more than any emperor since Augustus—and raising their pay by one-third. While the army command may have disapproved of his tactical and strategic decisions, the loyalty of the common soldier was unquestioned.


Campaign against the Chatti


Once Emperor, Domitian immediately sought to attain his long delayed military glory. As early as 82, or possibly 83, he went to Gaul, ostensibly to conduct a census, and suddenly ordered an attack on the Chatti. For this purpose, a new legion was founded, Legio I Minervia, which constructed some 75 kilometres (46 mi) of roads through Chattan territory to uncover the enemy's hiding places. Although little information survives of the battles fought, enough early victories were apparently achieved for Domitian to be back in Rome by the end of 83, where he celebrated an elaborate triumph and conferred upon himself the title of Germanicus. Domitian's supposed victory was much scorned by ancient authors, who described the campaign as "uncalled for", and a "mock triumph". The evidence lends some credence to these claims, as the Chatti would later play a significant role during the revolt of Saturninus in 89.


Conquest of northern Britain (77–84)


One of the most detailed reports of military activity under the Flavian dynasty was written by Tacitus, whose biography of his father-in-law Gnaeus Julius Agricola largely concerns the conquest of northern Britain between 77 and 84. Agricola arrived c. 77 as governor of Roman Britain, immediately launching campaigns into Caledonia (modern Scotland). In 82, Agricola crossed an unidentified body of water and defeated peoples unknown to the Romans until then. Tacitus recalls that his father-in-law often claimed the island could be conquered with a single legion and a few auxiliaries. He had given refuge to an exiled Irish king whom he hoped he might use as the excuse for conquest. This conquest never happened, but some historians believe that the crossing referred to was in fact a small-scale exploratory or punitive expedition to Ireland.


Turning his attention from Ireland, the following year Agricola raised a fleet and pushed beyond the River Forth into Caledonia. To aid the advance, a large legionary fortress was constructed at Inchtuthil. In the summer of 84, Agricola faced the armies of the Caledonians, led by Calgacus, at the Battle of Mons Graupius. Although the Romans inflicted heavy losses on the enemy, two-thirds of the Caledonian army escaped and hid in the Scottish marshes and Highlands, ultimately preventing Agricola from bringing the entire British island under his control. In 85, Agricola was recalled to Rome by Domitian, having served for more than six years as governor, longer than normal for consular legates during the Flavian era.


Tacitus claims that Domitian ordered his recall because Agricola's successes outshone the Emperor's own modest victories in Germania. The relationship between commander and Emperor is unclear: Agricola was awarded triumphal decorations and a statue, but never again held a civil or military post in spite of his experience and renown. He was offered the governorship of the province of Africa but declined it, either due to ill health or, as Tacitus claims, the machinations of Domitian. Not long after Agricola's recall from Britain, the Roman Empire entered into war with the Kingdom of Dacia in the East. Reinforcements were needed, and in 87 or 88, Domitian ordered a large-scale strategic withdrawal of troops in the British province. The fortress at Inchtuthil was dismantled and the Caledonian forts and watchtowers abandoned, moving the Roman frontier some 120 kilometres (75 mi) further south. The army command may have resented Domitian's decision to retreat, but to him the Caledonian territories never represented anything more than a loss to the Roman treasury.


Dacian wars (85–88)


The most significant threat the Roman Empire faced during the reign of Domitian arose from the northern provinces of Illyricum, where the Suebi, the Sarmatians and the Dacians continuously harassed Roman settlements along the Danube river. Of these, the Sarmatians and the Dacians posed the most formidable threat. In approximately 84 or 85 the Dacians, led by King Decebalus, crossed the Danube into the province of Moesia, wreaking havoc and killing the Moesian governor Oppius Sabinus. Domitian quickly launched a counteroffensive, personally travelling to the region accompanied by a large force commanded by his praetorian prefect Cornelius Fuscus. Fuscus successfully drove the Dacians back across the border in mid-85, prompting Domitian to return to Rome and celebrate his second triumph.


The victory proved short-lived, however: as early in 86 Fuscus embarked on an ill-fated expedition into Dacia. Fuscus was killed, and the battle standard of the Praetorian Guard was lost. The loss of the battle standard, or aquila, was indicative of a crushing defeat and a serious affront to Roman national pride. Domitian returned to Moesia in August 86. He divided the province into Lower Moesia and Upper Moesia, and transferred three additional legions to the Danube. In 87, the Romans invaded Dacia once more, this time under the command of Tettius Julianus, and finally defeated Decebalus in late 88 at the same site where Fuscus had previously perished. An attack on the Dacian capital Sarmizegetusa was forestalled when new troubles arose on the Germanic frontier in 89.


In order to avert having to conduct a war on two fronts, Domitian agreed to terms of peace with Decebalus, negotiating free access of Roman troops through the Dacian region while granting Decebalus an annual subsidy of 8 million sesterces. Contemporary authors severely criticized this treaty, which was considered shameful to the Romans and left the deaths of Sabinus and Fuscus unavenged. For the remainder of Domitian's reign Dacia remained a relatively peaceful client kingdom, but Decebalus used the Roman money to fortify his defenses. Domitian probably wanted a new war against the Dacians, and reinforced Upper Moesia with two more cavalry units brought from Syria and with at least five cohorts brought from Pannonia. Trajan continued Domitian's policy and added two more units to the auxiliary forces of Upper Moesia, and then he used the build up of troops for his Dacian wars. Eventually the Romans achieved a decisive victory against Decebalus in 106. Again, the Roman army sustained heavy losses, but Trajan succeeded in capturing Sarmizegetusa and, importantly, annexed the Dacian gold and silver mines.


Religious policy


The genius of Domitian with the aegis and a cornucopia, marble statue, Capitoline Museums, Rome

Domitian followed the traditional Roman religion and personally enforced ancient customs and morals throughout his reign. To provide a divine justification for the Flavian rule, Domitian emphasized the family's connections with the chief deity Jupiter, including through his restoration of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill. A small chapel dedicated to Jupiter Conservator was also constructed near the house where Domitian had fled to safety on 20 December 69. Later in his reign, Domitian replaced it with a more expansive building, the Temple of Jupiter Custos. However the deity Domitian worshipped most zealously was the goddess Minerva; he kept a personal shrine dedicated to her in his bedroom. Minerva appeared on his coinage, with at least four different reverses featuring her. He also named the legion he founded, Legio I Minervia, after that goddess.


Domitian also revived the practice of the imperial cult, which had fallen somewhat out of use under Vespasian. Significantly, his first act as emperor was the deification of his brother Titus. Upon their deaths, his infant son, and niece, Julia Flavia, were likewise enrolled among the gods. With regards to the emperor himself as a religious figure, both Suetonius and Cassius Dio allege that Domitian officially gave himself the title of Dominus et Deus ("Lord and God"). However, not only did he reject the title of Dominus during his reign, but since he issued no official documentation or coinage to this effect, historians such as Brian Jones contend that such phrases were addressed to Domitian by flatterers who wished to earn favors from him. To foster the worship of the imperial family, he erected a dynastic mausoleum on the site of Vespasian's former house on the Quirinal, and completed the Temple of Vespasian and Titus, a shrine dedicated to the worship of his deified father and brother. To memorialize the military triumphs of the Flavian family, he ordered the construction of the Templum Divorum and the Templum Fortuna Redux, and completed the Arch of Titus.


Construction projects such as these constituted only the most visible part of Domitian's religious policy, which also concerned itself with the fulfilment of religious law and public morals. In 85, he nominated himself perpetual censor, the office that held the task of supervising Roman morals and conduct. Once again, Domitian acquitted himself of this task dutifully, and with care. He renewed the Lex Iulia de Adulteriis Coercendis, under which adultery was punishable by exile. From the list of jurors he struck an equestrian who had divorced his wife and taken her back, while an ex-quaestor was expelled from the Senate for acting and dancing. As eunuchs were popularly used as servants, Domitian punished people who castrated others and wanted to ban the eunuchs themselves. Subsequent emperors made similar prohibitions, but Domitian may have been the first to do so. Despite his moralizing, Domitian had his own favorite eunuch boy, Earinus, who was commemorated by the contemporary court poets Martial and Statius.


Domitian also heavily prosecuted corruption among public officials, removing jurors if they accepted bribes and rescinding legislation when a conflict of interest was suspected. He ensured that libellous writings, especially those directed against himself, were punishable by exile or death. Actors were likewise regarded with suspicion. Consequently, he forbade mimes from appearing on stage in public. Philosophers did not fare much better. Epictetus, who had set himself up in Rome as a professor of philosophy, remarked that philosophers were able to "look tyrants steadily in the face", and it was Domitian's decree of 94, expelling all philosophers from Rome, that caused Epictetus to shift his base to the recently founded Roman city of Nicopolis, in Epirus, Greece, where he lived simply, worked safely and died of old age. In 87, Vestal Virgins were found to have broken their sacred vows of lifelong public chastity. As the Vestals were regarded as daughters of the community, this offense essentially constituted incest. Accordingly, those found guilty of any such transgression were condemned to death, either by a manner of their choosing, or according to the ancient fashion, which dictated that Vestals should be buried alive.


Foreign religions were tolerated insofar as they did not interfere with public order, or could be assimilated with the traditional Roman religion. The worship of Egyptian deities in particular flourished under the Flavian dynasty, to an extent not seen again until the reign of Commodus. Veneration of Serapis and Isis, who were identified with Jupiter and Minerva respectively, was especially prominent. Fourth century writings by Eusebius maintain that Jews and Christians were heavily persecuted toward the end of Domitian's reign. The Book of Revelation and First Epistle of Clement are thought by some to have been written during this period, the latter making mention of "sudden and repeated misfortunes", which are assumed to refer to persecutions under Domitian. Although Jews were heavily taxed, no contemporary authors give specific details of trials or executions based on religious offenses other than those within the Roman religion. Suetonius mentions having seen in his youth a nonagenarian being stripped by a procurator to see if he was circumcised.


Opposition


Revolt of Governor Saturninus (89)


On 1 January 89, the governor of Germania Superior, Lucius Antonius Saturninus, and his two legions at Mainz, Legio XIV Gemina and Legio XXI Rapax, revolted against the Roman Empire with the aid of the Germanic Chatti people. The precise cause for the rebellion is uncertain, although it appears to have been planned well in advance. The Senatorial officers may have disapproved of Domitian's military strategies, such as his decision to fortify the German frontier rather than attack, as well as his recent retreat from Britain, and finally the disgraceful policy of appeasement toward Decebalus. At any rate, the uprising was strictly confined to Saturninus' province, and quickly detected once the rumour spread across the neighbouring provinces. The governor of Germania Inferior, Aulus Bucius Lappius Maximus, moved to the region at once, assisted by Titus Flavius Norbanus, the procurator of Rhaetia. From Spain, Trajan was summoned, while Domitian himself came from Rome with the Praetorian Guard.


By a stroke of luck, a thaw prevented the Chatti from crossing the Rhine and coming to Saturninus' aid. Within twenty-four days the rebellion was crushed, and its leaders at Mainz savagely punished. The mutinous legions were sent to the front in Illyricum, while those who had assisted in their defeat were duly rewarded. Lappius Maximus received the governorship of the province of Syria, a second consulship in May 95, and finally a priesthood, which he still held in 102. Titus Flavius Norbanus may have been appointed to the prefecture of Egypt, but almost certainly became prefect of the Praetorian Guard by 94, with Titus Petronius Secundus as his colleague. Domitian opened the year following the revolt by sharing the consulship with Marcus Cocceius Nerva, suggesting the latter had played a part in uncovering the conspiracy, perhaps in a fashion similar to the one he played during the Pisonian conspiracy under Nero. Although little is known about the life and career of Nerva before his accession as Emperor in 96, he appears to have been a highly adaptable diplomat, surviving multiple regime changes and emerging as one of the Flavians' most trusted advisors. His consulship may therefore have been intended to emphasize the stability and status quo of the regime. The revolt had been suppressed and the Empire returned to order.


Relationship with the Senate


Since the fall of the Republic, the authority of the Roman Senate had largely eroded under the quasi-monarchical system of government established by Augustus, known as the Principate. The Principate allowed the existence of a de facto dictatorial regime, while maintaining the formal framework of the Roman Republic. Most Emperors upheld the public facade of democracy, and in return the Senate implicitly acknowledged the Emperor's status as a de facto monarch. Some rulers handled this arrangement with less subtlety than others. Domitian was not so subtle, often coming to the Senate as a triumpher and conqueror to show his disdain for them. From the outset of his reign, he stressed the reality of his autocracy. He disliked aristocrats and had no fear of showing it, withdrawing every decision-making power from the Senate to reduce its control to an administrative one, and instead relying on a small set of friends and equestrians to control the important offices of state.


The dislike was mutual. After Domitian's assassination, the senators of Rome rushed to the Senate house, where they immediately passed a motion condemning his memory to oblivion. Under the rulers of the Nervan-Antonian dynasty, senatorial authors published histories that elaborated on the view of Domitian as a tyrant. Nevertheless, the evidence suggests that Domitian did make concessions toward senatorial opinion. Whereas his father and brother had concentrated consular power largely in the hands of the Flavian family, Domitian admitted a surprisingly large number of provincials and potential opponents to the consulship, allowing them to head the official calendar by opening the year as an ordinary consul. Whether this was a genuine attempt to reconcile with hostile factions in the Senate cannot be ascertained. By offering the consulship to potential opponents, Domitian may have wanted to compromise these senators in the eyes of their supporters. When their conduct proved unsatisfactory, they were almost invariably brought to trial and exiled or executed, and their property was confiscated.


Both Tacitus and Suetonius speak of escalating persecutions toward the end of Domitian's reign, identifying a point of sharp increase around 93, or sometime after the failed revolt of Saturninus in 89. At least twenty senatorial opponents were executed, including Domitia Longina's former husband Lucius Aelius Lamia Plautius Aelianus and three of Domitian's own family members, Titus Flavius Sabinus, Titus Flavius Clemens and Marcus Arrecinus Clemens. Flavius Clemens was a cousin of Domitian, and the emperor had even designated Clemens' two young sons as his successors, calling them as "Vespasian" and "Domitian". Some of these men were executed as early as 83 or 85, however, lending little credit to Tacitus' notion of a "reign of terror" late in Domitian's reign. According to Suetonius, some were convicted for corruption or treason, others on trivial charges, which Domitian justified through his suspicion:


He used to say that the lot of Emperors was most unfortunate, since when they discovered a conspiracy, no one believed them unless they had been murdered.


Jones compares the executions of Domitian to those under Emperor Claudius (41–54), noting that Claudius executed around 35 senators and 300 equestrians, and yet was still deified by the Senate and regarded as one of the good Emperors of history. Domitian was apparently unable to gain support among the aristocracy, despite attempts to appease hostile factions with consular appointments. His autocratic style of government accentuated the Senate's loss of power, while his policy of treating patricians and even family members as equals to all Romans earned him their contempt.


Death and succession


Assassination


According to Suetonius, Domitian worshipped Minerva as his protector goddess with superstitious veneration. In a dream, she is said to have abandoned the emperor prior to the assassination.

Domitian was assassinated on 18 September 96 in a conspiracy by court officials. A highly detailed account of the plot and the assassination is provided by Suetonius. He alleges that Domitian's chamberlain Parthenius played the main role in the plot, and historian John Grainger cites Parthenius' likely fear over Domitian's recent execution of Nero's former secretary Epaphroditus as a possible motive. The act itself was carried out by a freedman of Parthenius named Maximus, and a steward of Domitian's niece Flavia Domitilla, named Stephanus. According to Suetonius, a number of omens had foretold Domitian's death.


According to an auspice he had received, the Emperor believed that his death would be at midday. As a result, he was always restless around that time. On the day of the assassination, Domitian was distressed and repeatedly asked a servant to tell him what time it was. The servant, who was himself one of the plotters, lied to the emperor, telling him that it was already late in the afternoon. Apparently put at ease, the Emperor went to his desk to sign some decrees. Stephanus, who had been feigning an injury to his arm for several days and wearing a bandage to allow him to carry a concealed dagger, suddenly appeared:


...he pretended that he had discovered a plot, and was for that reason granted an audience: whereupon, as the amazed Domitian perused a document he had handed him, Stephanus stabbed him in the groin. The wounded Emperor put up a fight, but succumbed to seven further stabs, his assailants being a subaltern named Clodianus, Parthenius's freedman Maximus, Satur, a head-chamberlain and one of the imperial gladiators.


During the attack, Stephanus and Domitian had struggled on the floor. Dio Cassius states that Stephanus was killed when those who were not part of the assassination rushed upon him. Domitian's body was carried away on a common bier and unceremoniously cremated by his nurse Phyllis. Later, she took the emperor's ashes to the Flavian Temple and mingled them with those of his niece, Julia. He was 44 years old. As had been foretold, his death came at midday. Cassius Dio, writing nearly a hundred years later, suggests that the assassination was improvised, while Suetonius implies it was a well-organized conspiracy, citing Stephanus' feigned injury and claiming that the doors to the servants' quarters had been locked prior to the attack and that a sword Domitian kept concealed beneath his pillow as a last line of personal protection against a would-be assassin, had also been removed beforehand. Dio included Domitia Longina among the conspirators, but in light of her attested devotion to Domitian—even years after her husband had died—her involvement in the plot seems highly unlikely. The precise involvement of the Praetorian Guard is unclear. One of the guard's commanders, Titus Petronius Secundus, was almost certainly aware of the plot. The other, Titus Flavius Norbanus, the former governor of Raetia, was a member of Domitian's family.


Succession and aftermath


The Fasti Ostienses, the Ostian Calendar, records that on the same day as Domitian's assassination, the Senate proclaimed Marcus Cocceius Nerva emperor. Despite his political experience, this was a remarkable choice. Nerva was old and childless, and had spent much of his career out of the public light, prompting both ancient and modern authors to speculate on his involvement in Domitian's assassination. According to Cassius Dio, the conspirators approached Nerva as a potential successor prior to the assassination, suggesting that he was at least aware of the plot. He does not appear in Suetonius' version of the events, but this may be understandable, since his works were published under Nerva's direct descendants Trajan and Hadrian. To suggest the dynasty owed its accession to murder would have been less than sensitive. On the other hand, Nerva lacked widespread support in the Empire, and as a known Flavian loyalist, his track record would not have recommended him to the conspirators. The precise facts have been obscured by history, but modern historians believe Nerva was proclaimed Emperor solely on the initiative of the Senate, within hours after the news of the assassination broke.


The decision may have been hasty so as to avoid civil war, but neither appears to have been involved in the conspiracy. The Senate nonetheless rejoiced at the death of Domitian, and immediately following Nerva's accession as Emperor, passed damnatio memoriae on Domitian's memory; his coins and statues were melted, his arches were torn down and his name was erased from all public records. Domitian and, over a century later, Publius Septimius Geta were the only emperors known to have officially received a damnatio memoriae, though others may have received de facto ones. In many instances, existing portraits of Domitian, such as those found on the Cancelleria Reliefs, were simply recarved to fit the likeness of Nerva, which allowed quick production of new images and recycling of previous material. Yet the order of the Senate was only partially executed in Rome, and wholly disregarded in most of the provinces outside Italy.


According to Suetonius, the people of Rome met the news of Domitian's death with indifference, but the army was much grieved, calling for his deification immediately after the assassination, and in several provinces rioting. As a compensation measure, the Praetorian Guard demanded the execution of Domitian's assassins, which Nerva refused. Instead he merely dismissed Titus Petronius Secundus, and replaced him with a former commander, Casperius Aelianus. Dissatisfaction with this state of affairs continued to loom over Nerva's reign, and ultimately erupted into a crisis in October 97, when members of the Praetorian Guard, led by Casperius Aelianus, laid siege to the Imperial Palace and took Nerva hostage. He was forced to submit to their demands, agreeing to hand over those responsible for Domitian's death and even giving a speech thanking the rebellious Praetorians. Titus Petronius Secundus and Parthenius were sought out and killed. Nerva was unharmed in this assault, but his authority was damaged beyond repair. Shortly thereafter he announced the adoption of Trajan as his successor, and with this decision nearly abdicated.


Legacy


Ancient sources


The classic view of Domitian is usually negative, since most of the antique sources were related to the Senatorial or aristocratic class, with which Domitian had notoriously difficult relations. Furthermore, contemporary historians such as Pliny the Younger, Tacitus and Suetonius all wrote after his reign when his memory had been condemned to oblivion by the Senate. The work of Domitian's court poets Martial and Statius constitutes virtually the only literary evidence concurrent with his reign. Perhaps as unsurprising as the attitude of post-Domitianic historians, the poems of Martial and Statius are highly adulatory, praising Domitian's achievements as equalling those of the gods. The most extensive account of the life of Domitian to survive was written by the historian Suetonius, who was born during the reign of Vespasian, and published his works under Emperor Hadrian (117–138). His De vita Caesarum is the source of much of what is known of Domitian. Although his text is predominantly negative, it neither exclusively condemns nor praises Domitian, and asserts that his rule started well, but gradually declined into terror. The biography is problematic, however, in that it appears to contradict itself with regards to Domitian's rule and personality, at the same time presenting him as a conscientious, moderate man, and as a decadent libertine.


According to Suetonius, Domitian wholly feigned his interest in arts and literature, and never bothered to acquaint himself with classic authors. Other passages, alluding to Domitian's love of epigrammatic expression, suggest that he was in fact familiar with classic writers, while he also patronized poets and architects, founded artistic Olympics, and personally restored the library of Rome at great expense after it had burned down. De Vita Caesarum is also the source of several outrageous stories regarding Domitian's married life. According to Suetonius, Domitia Longina was exiled in 83 because of an affair with a famous actor named Paris. When Domitian found out, he allegedly murdered Paris in the street and promptly divorced his wife, with Suetonius further adding that once Domitia was exiled, Domitian took Julia as his mistress, who later died during a failed abortion. Modern historians consider this highly implausible however, noting that malicious rumours such as those concerning Domitia's alleged infidelity were eagerly repeated by post-Domitianic authors, and used to highlight the hypocrisy of a ruler publicly preaching a return to Augustan morals, while privately indulging in excesses and presiding over a corrupt court.


Nevertheless, the account of Suetonius has dominated imperial historiography for centuries. Although Tacitus is usually considered to be the most reliable author of this era, his views on Domitian are complicated by the fact that his father-in-law, Gnaeus Julius Agricola, may have been a personal enemy of the Emperor. In his biographical work Agricola, Tacitus maintains that Agricola was forced into retirement because his triumph over the Caledonians highlighted Domitian's own inadequacy as a military commander. Several modern authors such as Dorey have argued the opposite: that Agricola was in fact a close friend of Domitian, and that Tacitus merely sought to distance his family from the fallen dynasty once Nerva was in power.


Tacitus' major historical works, including The Histories and Agricola's biography, were all written and published under Domitian's successors, Nerva (96–98) and Trajan (98–117). Unfortunately, the part of Tacitus' Histories dealing with the reign of the Flavian dynasty is almost entirely lost. His views on Domitian survive through brief comments in its first five books, and the short but highly negative characterization in Agricola in which he severely criticizes Domitian's military endeavours. Nevertheless, Tacitus admits his debt to the Flavians with regard to his own public career. Other influential 2nd century authors include Juvenal and Pliny the Younger, the latter of whom was a friend of Tacitus and in 100 delivered his famous Panegyricus Traiani before Trajan and the Roman Senate, exalting the new era of restored freedom while condemning Domitian as a tyrant. Juvenal savagely satirized the Domitianic court in his Satires, depicting the Emperor and his entourage as corrupt, violent and unjust. As a consequence, the anti-Domitianic tradition was already well established by the end of the 2nd century, and by the 3rd century, even expanded upon by early Church historians, who identified Domitian as an early persecutor of Christians, such as in the Acts of John.


Modern revisionism


Bust of Domitian wearing the civic crown, 81–96 AD, from the Palazzo Massimo alle Terme, Rome

Over the course of the 20th century, Domitian's military, administrative and economic policies were re-evaluated. Hostile views of Domitian had been propagated until archeological and numismatic advances brought renewed attention to his reign, and necessitated a revision of the literary tradition established by Tacitus and Pliny. It would be nearly a hundred years after Stéphane Gsell's 1894 Essai sur le règne de l'empereur Domitien however, before any new, book-length studies were published. The first of these was Jones' 1992 The Emperor Domitian. He concludes that Domitian was a ruthless but efficient autocrat. For the majority of his reign, there was no widespread dissatisfaction with his policies. His harshness was limited to a highly vocal minority, who exaggerated his despotism in favor of the Nervan-Antonine dynasty that followed. His foreign policy was realistic, rejecting expansionist warfare and negotiating peace at a time when Roman military tradition dictated aggressive conquest. Persecution of religious minorities, such as Jews and Christians, was non-existent.


In 1930, Ronald Syme argued for a complete reassessment of Domitian's financial policy, which had been largely viewed as a disaster. His economic program, which was rigorously efficient, maintained the Roman currency at a standard it would never again achieve. Domitian's government nonetheless exhibited totalitarian characteristics. As Emperor, he saw himself as the new Augustus, an enlightened despot destined to guide the Roman Empire into a new era of Flavian renaissance. Using religious, military and cultural propaganda, he fostered a cult of personality. He deified three of his family members and erected massive structures to commemorate the Flavian achievements. Elaborate triumphs were celebrated in order to boost his image as a warrior-emperor, but many of these were either unearned or premature. By nominating himself perpetual censor, he sought to control public and private morals. He started several major construction projects in Rome including the Aqua Traiana and the Baths of Trajan.


He became personally involved in all branches of the government and successfully prosecuted corruption among public officials. The dark side of his censorial power involved a restriction in freedom of speech, and an increasingly oppressive attitude toward the Roman Senate. He punished libel with exile or death and, due to his suspicious nature, increasingly accepted information from informers to bring false charges of treason if necessary. Despite his vilification by contemporary historians, Domitian's administration provided the foundation for the Principate of the peaceful 2nd century. His successors Nerva and Trajan were less restrictive, but in reality their policies differed little from his. Much more than a "gloomy coda to the...1st century"[quote needs citation], the Roman Empire prospered between 81 and 96, in a reign that Theodor Mommsen described as a somber but intelligent despotism.


Notes


Both children died young and were deified.

The closest reigns to 15 years were Claudius' and Nero's, and it was soon to be surpassed by Trajan's 19 years.

Obverse: Laureate bust of Emperor Domitian facing right, Classical Medusa at the nick of Domitians neck. Legend reads: AYTO. KAIΣAP ΔOMITIANOΣ ΣEB. ΓEPM. (imp. caesar Domitianus Avg. Germ.) Reverse: Eagle standing on a thunderbolt, palm before, wings open, head facing right, holding wreath in its beak. Legend reads: ETOYΣ NEOY ΙEPOY ENΔEKATOY (new sacred year eleventh) Size: 27mm, 14.8g Reference: Prieur p. 22, no. 147S

Caption: IMP. CAES. DOMITIANVS AVG. P. M. / DIVUS CAESAR IMP. DOMITIANI F.


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Wellesley (2000), p. 45

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Tacitus, Histories III.34

Wellesley (2000), pp. 166, 189

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Wellesley (1956), p. 213

Jones (1992), p. 15

Tacitus, Histories IV.40

Tacitus, Histories IV.68

Jones (1992), p. 17

Jones (1992), p. 33

Jones (1992), p. 34

Jones (1993), p. 36

Jones (1992), pp. 161–162

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Jones (1992), p. 37

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Josephus, The Wars of the Jews VI.9.3

Josephus, The Wars of the Jews VII.5.5

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Jones (1992), p. 93

Jones (1992), p. 18

Jones (1992), p. 19

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Cassius Dio, Roman History LXVI.22

Jones (1992), p. 80

Philostratus, The Life of Apollonius of Tyana 6.32 Archived 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine

Cassius Dio, Roman History LXVI.26

This is a date found in the Acta Fratrum Arvalium. The text reads XV(...) ob imperium Caes..s divi f... Domitiani Aug..., where XVIII is the earliest possible date.

Jones (1992), p. 21

Jones (1992), p. 22

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Brunt, P. A. (1979). The Journal of Roman Studies. Vol. 69. Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies, Cambridge University Press. p. 173. doi:10.2307/299067. ISSN 0075-4358. JSTOR 299067. S2CID 163284681.

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Jones (1992), p. 72

Jones (1992), p. 107

Jones (1992), p. 109

Suetonius, Life of Domitian 8

Jones (1992), p. 164

Jones (1992), pp. 178–179

Jones (1992), p. 150

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Plutarch, Publicola, 15.1-3

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"Trajan was, in fact, quite active in Egypt. Separate scenes of Domitian and Trajan making offerings to the gods appear on reliefs on the propylon of the Temple of Hathor at Dendera. There are cartouches of Domitian and Trajan on the column shafts of the Temple of Knum at Esna, and on the exterior a frieze text mentions Domitian, Trajan, and Hadrian" Stadter, Philip A.; Stockt, L. Van der (2002). Sage and Emperor: Plutarch, Greek Intellectuals, and Roman Power in the Time of Trajan (98–117 A.D.). Leuven University Press. p. 75. ISBN 978-90-5867-239-1.

Domitian relief in Esna

Plutarch, Publicola, 15.1-3

Plutarch, Publicola, 15.1-3

Martial V 1

Martial IV 30

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"Roman Currency of the Principate". 1 November 2008. Archived from the original on 1 November 2008.

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Jones (1992), p. 130

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Tacitus, Agricola 39

Tacitus, Histories I.2

Syme (1930), p. 64

Jones (1992), p. 144

Jones (1992), p. 128

Jones (1992), p. 129

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Tacitus, Agricola 24

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Suetonius, Domitian, 13:2

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Jones (1992), p. 119

Suetonius, Life of Domitian, 12

Jones (1992), p. 145

Jones (1992), p. 146

Jones (1992), p. 149

Jones (1992), pp. 148–149

Grainger (2003), p. 30

Murison (2003), p. 150

Waters, K. H. (1963). "The Second Dynasty of Rome". Phoenix. 17 (3): 198–218 [201]. doi:10.2307/1086720. JSTOR 1086720.

Jones (1992), p. 161

Jones (1992), p. 169

TimeTravelRome (16 March 2022). "Domitian: Misery of Absolutism and Splendor of Rome". Time Travel Rome. Retrieved 5 December 2022.

Jones (1992), p. 160

Jones (1992), pp. 163–168

Tacitus, Agricola 45

Suetonius, Life of Domitian 10

For a full list of senatorial victims, see Jones (1992), pp. 182–188

M. Arrecinus Clemens may have been exiled instead of executed, see Jones (1992), p. 187

Suetonius Life of Domitian, 15

Suetonius, De Vita Caesarum, "Life of Domitian", 21

Jones (1992), p. 192

Suetonius, Life of Domitian 17.

Grainger (2003), p. 16

Suetonius, Life of Domitian 14;16

Grainger (2003), p. 19

Grainger (2003), pp. 1–3

Suetonius (1979). "Domitian: 17". The Twelve Caesars. Translated by Graves.

Cassius, Dio. Roman History, Vol. 8, Book 67. Loeb. p. 357.

Jones (1992), p. 38

Grainger (2003), p. 5

Suetonius, "Life of Domitian" 17

Werner Eck – Andreas Pangerl, Titus Flavius Norbanus, praefectus praetorio Domitians, als Statthalter Rätiens in einem neuen Militärdiplom, ZPE 163, 2007, 239–251

Murison (2003), p. 153

Murison (2003), p. 151

Grainger (2003), pp. 4–27

Jones (1992), p. 194

Cassius Dio, Roman History LXVII.15

Syme, Ronald (1983). "Domitian: The Last Years". Chiron. 13: 121–146.

Jones (1992), p. 196

Grainger (2003), p. 49

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Grainger (2003), pp. 32–33

Grainger (2003), p. 40

Grainger (2003), pp. 94–95

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Levick (2002), p. 211

Jones (1992), p. 58

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Tacitus, Histories I.1

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Bibliography

Grainger, John D. (2003). Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD 96–99. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-28917-7.

Jones, Brian W. (1992). The Emperor Domitian. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-10195-0.

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Sullivan, Philip B. (1953). "A Note on the Flavian Accession". The Classical Journal. 49 (2): 67–70. JSTOR 3293160.

Syme, Ronald (1930). "The Imperial Finances under Domitian, Nerva and Trajan". The Journal of Roman Studies. 20: 55–70. doi:10.2307/297385. JSTOR 297385. S2CID 163980436.

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Wellesley, Kenneth (2000) [1975]. The Year of the Four Emperors. Roman Imperial Biographies. London: Routledge. p. 272. ISBN 978-0-415-23620-1.

Further reading

Gsell, Stéphane (1894). Essai sur le règne de l'empereur Domitien. Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d'Athènes et de Rome (in French). Paris: E. Thorin. Retrieved 10 February 2007.

Jones, Brian W. (1984). The Emperor Titus. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-312-24443-9.

Levick, Barbara (1999). Vespasian (Roman Imperial Biographies). London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-16618-8.

(in French) Minaud, Gérard, Les vies de 12 femmes d'empereur romain – Devoirs, Intrigues & Voluptés, Paris, L'Harmattan, 2012, ch. 5, La vie de Domitia Longina, femme de Domitien, pp. 121–146. ISBN 978-2-336-00291-0.

Southern, Pat (1997). Domitian: Tragic Tyrant. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-16525-9.

Primary sources

Cassius Dio, Roman History Book 67, English translation

Suetonius, The Lives of Twelve Caesars, Life of Domitian, Latin text with English translation

Tacitus, Agricola, English translation

Tacitus, Histories, English translation


External links


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Wikimedia Commons has media related to Domitian.

Donahue, John (10 October 1997). "Titus Flavius Domitianus (A.D. 81–96)". De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families. Retrieved 10 February 2007.

A private collection of coins minted by Domitian