Movements, politics, and white reactions
Grassroots leadership
While most popular representations of the movement are
centered on the leadership and philosophy of Martin Luther King Jr., some
scholars note that the movement was too diverse to be credited to one person,
organization, or strategy. Sociologist Doug McAdam has stated that, "in King's case, it would be inaccurate
to say that he was the leader of the modern civil rights movement...but more
importantly, there was no singular civil rights movement. The movement was, in
fact, a coalition of thousands of local efforts nationwide, spanning several
decades, hundreds of discrete groups, and all manner of strategies and
tactics—legal, illegal, institutional, non-institutional, violent, non-violent.
Without discounting King's importance, it would be sheer fiction to call him
the leader of what was fundamentally an amorphous, fluid, dispersed
movement." Decentralized grassroots leadership has been a major focus
of movement scholarship in recent decades through the work of historians John
Dittmer, Charles Payne, Barbara Ransby, and others.
Black power
(1966–1968)
During the Freedom Summer campaign of 1964, numerous
tensions within the civil rights movement came to the forefront. Many blacks in
SNCC developed concerns that white activists from the North were taking over
the movement. The participation by numerous white students was not reducing the
amount of violence that SNCC suffered, but seemed to exacerbate it.
Additionally, there was profound disillusionment at Lyndon Johnson's denial of
voting status for the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party at the Democratic
National Convention. Meanwhile, during CORE's work in Louisiana that summer,
that group found the federal government would not respond to requests to
enforce the provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, or to protect the lives
of activists who challenged segregation. The Louisiana campaign survived by
relying on a local African-American militia called the Deacons for Defense and
Justice, who used arms to repel white supremacist violence and police
repression. CORE's collaboration with the Deacons was effective in disrupting
Jim Crow in numerous Louisiana areas.
In 1965, SNCC helped organize an independent political
party, the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO), in the heart of the
Alabama Black Belt, also Klan territory. It permitted its black leaders to
openly promote the use of armed self-defense. Meanwhile, the Deacons for
Defense and Justice expanded into Mississippi and assisted Charles Evers' NAACP
chapter with a successful campaign in Natchez. Charles had taken the lead after
his brother Medgar Evers was assassinated in 1963. The same year, the 1965
Watts Rebellion took place in Los Angeles. Many black youth were committed to
the use of violence to protest inequality and oppression.
During the March against Fear in 1966, initiated by James
Meredith, SNCC and CORE fully embraced the slogan of "black power" to describe these trends towards militancy
and self-reliance. In Mississippi, Stokely Carmichael declared, "I'm not going to beg the white man
for anything that I deserve; I'm going to take it. We need power."
Some people engaging in the Black Power movement claimed a
growing sense of black pride and identity. In gaining more of a sense of a
cultural identity, blacks demanded that whites no longer refer to them as "Negroes" but as "Afro-Americans," similar to
other ethnic groups, such as Irish Americans and Italian Americans. Until the
mid-1960s, blacks had dressed similarly to whites and often straightened their
hair. As a part of affirming their identity, blacks started to wear
African-based dashikis and grow their hair out as a natural afro. The afro,
sometimes nicknamed the "'fro,"
remained a popular black hairstyle until the late 1970s. Other variations of
traditional African styles have become popular, often featuring braids,
extensions, and dreadlocks.
The Black Panther Party (BPP), which was founded by Huey
Newton and Bobby Seale in Oakland, California, in 1966, gained the most
attention for Black Power nationally. The group began following the
revolutionary pan-Africanism of late-period Malcolm X, using a "by-any-means necessary"
approach to stopping inequality. They sought to rid African-American
neighborhoods of police brutality and to establish socialist community control
in the ghettos. While they conducted armed confrontation with police, they also
set up free breakfast and healthcare programs for children. Between 1968 and
1971, the BPP was one of the most important black organizations in the country
and had support from the NAACP, SCLC, Peace and Freedom Party, and others.
Black Power was taken to another level inside prison walls.
In 1966, George Jackson formed the Black Guerrilla Family in the California San
Quentin State Prison. The goal of this group was to overthrow the white-run
government in America and the prison system. In 1970, this group displayed
their dedication after a white prison guard was found not guilty of shooting
and killing three black prisoners from the prison tower. They retaliated by
killing a white prison guard.
Numerous popular cultural expressions associated with black
power appeared at this time. Released in August 1968, the number one Rhythm
& Blues single for the Billboard Year-End list was James Brown's "Say It Loud – I'm Black and I'm
Proud". In October 1968, Tommie Smith and John Carlos, while being
awarded the gold and bronze medals, respectively, at the 1968 Summer Olympics,
donned human rights badges and each raised a black-gloved Black Power salute
during their podium ceremony.
King was not comfortable with the "Black Power" slogan, which sounded too much like Black
Nationalism to him. When King was assassinated in 1968, Stokely Carmichael said
that whites had murdered the one person who would prevent rampant rioting and
that blacks would burn every major city to the ground. Riots broke out in more
than 100 cities across the country. In some cities, the damage was not
recovered from for more than a generation. Other city neighborhoods never
recovered.
Black conservatism
Despite the common notion that the ideas of Martin Luther
King Jr., Malcolm X and Black Power only conflicted with each other and were
the only ideologies of the civil rights movement, there were other sentiments
felt by many blacks. Fearing the events during the movement were occurring too
quickly, there were some blacks who felt that leaders should take their
activism at a slower pace. Others had reservations on how focused blacks were
on the movement and felt that such attention was better spent on reforming
issues within the black community.
Those who blatantly rejected integration had various
rationales for doing so, such as fearing a change in the status quo they had
been used to for so long or fearing for their safety if they found themselves
in environments where whites were much more present. Some defended segregation
for the sake of keeping ties with the white power structure from which many
relied on for social and economic mobility above other blacks. Based on her
interpretation of a 1966 study made by Donald Matthews and James Prothro
detailing the relative percentage of blacks for integration, against it or
feeling something else, Lauren Winner asserts that:
Black defenders of segregation look, at first blush, very
much like black nationalists, especially in their preference for all-black
institutions; but black defenders of segregation differ from nationalists in
two key ways. First, while both groups criticize NAACP-style integration,
nationalists articulate a third alternative to integration and Jim Crow, while
segregationists preferred to stick with the status quo. Second, absent from
black defenders of segregation's political vocabulary was the demand for
self-determination. They called for all-black institutions, but not autonomous
all-black institutions; indeed, some defenders of segregation asserted that
black people needed white paternalism and oversight in order to thrive.
Oftentimes, African-American community leaders would be
staunch defenders of segregation. Church ministers, businessmen and educators
were among those who wished to keep segregation and segregationist ideals in
order to retain the privileges they gained from patronage from whites, such as
monetary gains. In addition, they relied on segregation to keep their jobs and
economies in their communities thriving. It was feared that if integration
became widespread in the South, black-owned businesses and other establishments
would lose a large chunk of their customer base to white-owned businesses, and
many blacks would lose opportunities for jobs that were presently exclusive to
their interests. On the other hand, there were the everyday, average black
people who criticized integration as well. For them, they took issue with
different parts of the civil rights movement and the potential for blacks to
exercise consumerism and economic liberty without hindrance from whites.
For Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X and other leading
activists and groups during the movement, these opposing viewpoints acted as an
obstacle against their ideas. These different views made such leaders' work much
harder to accomplish, but they were nonetheless important in the overall scope
of the movement. For the most part, the black individuals who had reservations
on various aspects of the movement and ideologies of the activists were not
able to make a game-changing dent in their efforts, but the existence of these
alternate ideas gave some blacks an outlet to express their concerns about the
changing social structure.
Avoiding the "Communist" label
On December 17, 1951, the Communist Party–affiliated Civil
Rights Congress delivered the petition We Charge Genocide: "The Crime of Government Against the Negro People", often
shortened to We Charge Genocide, to the United Nations in 1951, arguing that
the U.S. federal government, by its failure to act against lynching in the
United States, was guilty of genocide under Article II of the UN Genocide
Convention. The petition was presented to the United Nations at two separate
venues: Paul Robeson, concert singer and activist, to a UN official in New York
City, while William L. Patterson, executive director of the CRC, delivered
copies of the drafted petition to a UN delegation in Paris.
Patterson, the editor of the petition, was a leader in the
Communist Party USA and head of the International Labor Defense, a group that
offered legal representation to communists, trade unionists, and African
Americans in cases involving issues of political or racial persecution. The ILD
was known for leading the defense of the Scottsboro boys in Alabama in 1931,
where the Communist Party had considerable influence among African Americans in
the 1930s. This had largely declined by the late 1950s, although they could
command international attention. As earlier civil rights figures such as
Robeson, Du Bois and Patterson became more politically radical (and therefore
targets of Cold War anti-Communism by the U.S. Government), they lost favor
with both mainstream Black America and the NAACP.
In order to secure a place in the mainstream and gain the
broadest base, the new generation of civil rights activists believed they had
to openly distance themselves from anything and anyone associated with the
Communist party. According to Ella Baker, the Southern Christian Leadership
Conference adopted "Christian"
into its name to deter charges of Communism. The FBI under J. Edgar Hoover had
been concerned about communism since the early 20th century, and continued to
label as "Communist" or "subversive" some of the civil
rights activists, whom it kept under close surveillance. In the early 1960s,
the practice of distancing the civil rights movement from "Reds" was challenged by the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee who adopted a policy of accepting assistance and
participation by anyone, regardless of political affiliation, who supported the
SNCC program and was willing to "put
their body on the line." At times this political openness put SNCC at
odds with the NAACP.
Kennedy
administration, 1961–1963
For the first two years of the Kennedy administration, civil
rights activists had mixed opinions of both the president and attorney general,
Robert F. Kennedy. A well of historical skepticism toward liberal politics had
left African Americans with a sense of uneasy disdain for any white politician
who claimed to share their concerns for freedom, particularly ones connected to
the historically pro-segregationist Democratic Party. Still, many were
encouraged by the discreet support Kennedy gave to Dr. King, and the
administration's willingness, after dramatic pressure from civil disobedience,
to bring forth racially progressive initiatives.
Many of the initiatives resulted from Robert Kennedy's
passion. The younger Kennedy gained a rapid education in the realities of
racism through events such as the Baldwin-Kennedy meeting. The president came
to share his brother's sense of urgency on the matter, resulting in the
landmark Civil Rights Address of June 1963 and the introduction of the first
major civil rights act of the decade.
Robert Kennedy first became concerned with civil rights in
mid-May 1961 during the Freedom Rides, when photographs of the burning bus and
savage beatings in Anniston and Birmingham were broadcast around the world.
They came at an especially embarrassing time, as President Kennedy was about to
have a summit with the Soviet premier in Vienna. The White House was concerned
with its image among the populations of newly independent nations in Africa and
Asia, and Robert Kennedy responded with an address for Voice of America stating
that great progress had been made on the issue of race relations. Meanwhile,
behind the scenes, the administration worked to resolve the crisis with a
minimum of violence and prevent the Freedom Riders from generating a fresh crop
of headlines that might divert attention from the President's international
agenda. The Freedom Riders documentary notes that, "The back burner issue of civil rights had collided with the
urgent demands of Cold War realpolitik."
On May 21, when a white mob attacked and burned the First
Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, where King was holding out with
protesters, Robert Kennedy telephoned King to ask him to stay in the building
until the U.S. Marshals and National Guard could secure the area. King
proceeded to berate Kennedy for "allowing
the situation to continue". King later publicly thanked Kennedy for
deploying the force to break up an attack which might otherwise have ended
King's life.
With a very small majority in Congress, the president's
ability to press ahead with legislation relied considerably on a balancing game
with the Senators and Congressmen of the South. Without the support of
Vice-President Johnson, a former Senator who had years of experience in
Congress and longstanding relations there, many of the Attorney-General's
programs would not have progressed.
By late 1962, frustration at the slow pace of political
change was balanced by the movement's strong support for legislative
initiatives, including administrative representation across all U.S. Government
departments and greater access to the ballot box. From squaring off against
Governor George Wallace, to "tearing
into" Vice-President Johnson (for failing to desegregate areas of the
administration), to threatening corrupt white Southern judges with disbarment,
to desegregating interstate transport, Robert Kennedy came to be consumed by
the civil rights movement. He continued to work on these social justice issues
in his bid for the presidency in 1968.
On the night of Governor Wallace's capitulation to
African-American enrollment at the University of Alabama, President Kennedy
gave an address to the nation, which marked the changing tide, an address that
was to become a landmark for the ensuing change in political policy as to civil
rights. In 1966, Robert Kennedy visited South Africa and voiced his objections
to apartheid, the first time a major US politician had done so:
At the University of
Natal in Durban, I was told the church to which most of the white population
belongs teaches apartheid as a moral necessity. A questioner declared that few
churches allow black Africans to pray with the white because the Bible says
that is the way it should be, because God created Negroes to serve. "But
suppose God is black", I replied. "What if we go to Heaven and we,
all our lives, have treated the Negro as an inferior, and God is there, and we
look up and He is not white? What then is our response?" There was no
answer. Only silence. — LOOK Magazine
Robert Kennedy's relationship with the movement was not
always positive. As attorney general, he was called to account by activists—who
booed him at a June 1963 speech—for the Justice Department's own poor record of
hiring blacks. He also presided over FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and his
COINTELPRO program. This program ordered FBI agents to "expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise
neutralize" the activities of Communist front groups, a category in
which the paranoid Hoover included most civil rights organizations. Kennedy
personally authorized some of the programs. According to Tim Weiner, "RFK knew much more about this
surveillance than he ever admitted." Although Kennedy only gave
approval for limited wiretapping of Dr. King's phones "on a trial basis, for a month or so." Hoover extended
the clearance so his men were "unshackled" to look for evidence in
any areas of the black leader's life they deemed important; they then used this
information to harass King. Kennedy directly ordered surveillance on James
Baldwin after their antagonistic racial summit in 1963.
American Jewish
community and the civil rights movement
Many in the Jewish community supported the civil rights
movement. In fact, statistically Jews were one of the most actively involved
non-black groups in the Movement. Many Jewish students worked in concert with
African Americans for CORE, SCLC, and SNCC as full-time organizers and summer
volunteers during the Civil Rights era. Jews made up roughly half of the white
northern volunteers involved in the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer project and
approximately half of the civil rights attorneys active in the South during the
1960s.
Jewish leaders were arrested while heeding a call from
Martin Luther King Jr. in St. Augustine, Florida, in June 1964, where the
largest mass arrest of rabbis in American history took place at the Monson
Motor Lodge—a nationally important civil rights landmark that was demolished in
2003 so that a Hilton Hotel could be built on the site. Abraham Joshua Heschel,
a writer, rabbi, and professor of theology at the Jewish Theological Seminary
of America in New York, was outspoken on the subject of civil rights. He
marched arm-in-arm with Dr. King in the 1965 Selma to Montgomery march. In the
1964 murders of Chaney, Goodman, and Schwerner, the two white activists killed,
Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, were both Jewish.
Brandeis University, the only nonsectarian Jewish-sponsored
college university in the world, created the Transitional Year Program (TYP) in
1968, in part response to Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King's assassination. The
faculty created it to renew the university's commitment to social justice.
Recognizing Brandeis as a university with a commitment to academic excellence,
these faculty members created a chance to disadvantaged students to participate
in an empowering educational experience.
The American Jewish Committee, American Jewish Congress, and
Anti-Defamation League (ADL) actively promoted civil rights. While Jews were
very active in the civil rights movement in the South, in the North, many had
experienced a more strained relationship with African Americans. In communities
experiencing white flight, racial rioting, and urban decay, Jewish Americans
were more often the last remaining whites in the communities most affected. It
has been argued that with Black militancy and the Black Power movements on the
rise, "Black Anti-Semitism"
increased leading to strained relations between Blacks and Jews in Northern
communities. In New York City, most notably, there was a major socio-economic
class difference in the perception of African Americans by Jews. Jews from
better educated Upper Middle Class backgrounds were often very supportive of
African American civil rights activities while the Jews in poorer urban
communities that became increasingly minority were often less supportive
largely in part due to more negative and violent interactions between the two
groups.
According to political scientist Michael Rogin, Jewish-Black
hostility was a two-way street extending to earlier decades. In the post-World
War II era, Jews were granted white privilege and most moved into the
middle-class while Blacks were left behind in the ghetto. Urban Jews engaged in
the same sort of conflicts with Blacks—over integration busing, local control
of schools, housing, crime, communal identity, and class divides—that other
white ethnics did, leading to Jews participating in white flight. The
culmination of this was the 1968 New York City teachers' strike, pitting
largely Jewish schoolteachers against predominantly Black parents in
Brownsville, New York.
Profile
Many Jewish individuals in the Southern states who supported
civil rights for African Americans tended to keep a low profile on "the race issue", in order to
avoid attracting the attention of the anti-Black and anti-Semitic Ku Klux Klan.
However, Klan groups exploited the issue of African-American integration and
Jewish involvement in the struggle to launch acts of violent antisemitism. As
an example of this hatred, in one year alone, from November 1957 to October
1958, temples and other Jewish communal gatherings were bombed and desecrated
in Atlanta, Nashville, Jacksonville, and Miami, and dynamite was found under
synagogues in Birmingham, Charlotte, and Gastonia, North Carolina. Some rabbis
received death threats, but there were no injuries following these outbursts of
violence.
White backlash
King reached the height of popular acclaim during his life
in 1964, when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. His career after that point
was filled with frustrating challenges. The liberal coalition that had gained
passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 began
to fray.
King was becoming more estranged from the Johnson
administration. In 1965 he broke with it by calling for peace negotiations and
a halt to the bombing of Vietnam. He moved further left in the following years,
speaking of the need for economic justice and thoroughgoing changes in American
society. He believed change was needed beyond the civil rights gained by the
movement.
King's attempts to broaden the scope of the civil rights
movement were halting and largely unsuccessful, however. King made several
efforts in 1965 to take the Movement north to address housing discrimination.
SCLC's campaign in Chicago publicly failed, as Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley
marginalized SCLC's campaign by promising to "study" the city's problems. In 1966, white demonstrators
holding "white power" signs
in notoriously racist Cicero, a suburb of Chicago, threw stones at marchers
demonstrating against housing segregation.
Politicians and journalists quickly blamed this white
backlash on the movement's shift towards Black Power in the mid-1960s; today
most scholars view backlash as a phenomenon that was already developing in the
mid-1950s, embodied in the "massive
resistance" movement of the South where even the few moderate white
leaders (including George Wallace, who had once been endorsed by the NAACP)
shifted to openly racist positions. Northern racists opposed the southerners on
a regional and cultural basis, but also held segregationist attitudes which
became more pronounced as the civil rights movement headed North. For instance,
prior to the Watts riot, California whites had already mobilized to repeal the
state's 1963 fair housing law.
Even so, the backlash was not sufficient at the time to roll
back major civil rights victories or swing the country into reaction. Social
historians Matthew Lassiter and Barbara Ehrenreich note that backlash's primary
constituency was suburban and middle-class, but not working-class whites: "among the white electorate, one half
of blue-collar voters…cast their ballot for [the liberal presidential
candidate] Hubert Humphrey in 1968…only in the South did George Wallace draw
substantially more blue-collar than white-collar support."
African-American
women in the movement
Women often acted as leaders in the civil rights movement
and led organizations that contributed to the cause of civil rights.
African-American women stepped into the roles that men had previously held.
Women were members of the NAACP because they believed it could help them
contribute to the cause of civil rights. Women involved with the Black Panthers
would lead meetings, edit the Black Panther newspaper, and advocated for childcare
and sexual freedom. Women involved with SNCC helped to organize sit-ins and the
Freedom Rides, as well as keeping the organization together. Women also formed
church groups, bridge clubs, and professional organizations, such as the
National Council of Negro Women, to help achieve freedom for themselves and
their race. Some women who participated in these organizations lost their jobs
because of their involvement.
Discrimination
Many women in the movement experienced gender discrimination
and sexual harassment within the movement.[220] In the SCLC, Ella Baker's input
was discouraged in spite of her being the oldest and most experienced person on
the staff. Within the ministers' patriarchal hierarchy, age and experience were
actually considered detriments for a woman. Her role as an executive was only
assigned as a placeholder for a male leader. Women that worked under SNCC did
the clerical work and were not consistently given leadership positions. Women
who worked in multiple civil rights organizations noted that males tended to
become the leaders and women "faded
into the background" and the men of the movement did not acknowledge
the gender discrimination present in the organization. Much of the reasoning
for the lesser role that women took in the movement was that it was time for
black men to take on a role as a leader now that they had the opportunity.
Women got very little recognition for their roles in the civil rights movement
despite the fact that they were heavily involved with the participation and
planning.
Long-run impact
A 2018 study in the American Journal of Political Science
found that civil rights protest activity had a meaningful persistent impact on
attitudes in the long-run. The study found that "whites from counties that experienced historical civil rights
protests are more likely to identify as Democrats and support affirmative
action, and less likely to harbor racial resentment against blacks... counties
that experienced civil rights protests are associated with greater Democratic
Party vote shares even today."
Johnson administration: 1963–1968
Lyndon Johnson made civil rights one of his highest priorities,
coupling it with a white’s war on poverty. However increasing the shrill
opposition to the War in Vietnam, coupled with the cost of the war, undercut
support for his domestic programs.
Under Kennedy, major civil rights legislation had been stalled
in Congress his assassination changed everything. On one hand president Lyndon
Johnson was a much more skillful negotiator than Kennedy but he had behind him
a powerful national momentum demanding immediate action on moral and emotional
grounds. Demands for immediate action originated from unexpected directions,
especially white Protestant church groups. The Justice Department, led by
Robert Kennedy, moved from a posture of defending Kennedy from the quagmire
minefield of racial politics to acting to fulfill his legacy. The violent death
and public reaction dramatically moved the moderate Republicans, led by Senator
Everett McKinley Dirksen, whose support was the margin of victory for the Civil
Rights Act of 1964. The act immediately ended de jure (legal) segregation and
the era of Jim Crow.
With the civil rights movement at full blast, Lyndon Johnson
coupled black entrepreneurship with his war on poverty, setting up special
program in the Small Business Administration, the Office of Economic Opportunity,
and other agencies. This time there was money for loans designed to boost
minority business ownership. Richard Nixon greatly expanded the program,
setting up the Office of Minority Business Enterprise (OMBE) in the expectation
that black entrepreneurs would help defuse racial tensions and possibly support
his reelection.
Prison reform
Gates v. Collier
Conditions at the Mississippi State Penitentiary at
Parchman, then known as Parchman Farm, became part of the public discussion of
civil rights after activists were imprisoned there. In the spring of 1961,
Freedom Riders came to the South to test the desegregation of public
facilities. By the end of June 1963, Freedom Riders had been convicted in
Jackson, Mississippi. Many were jailed in Mississippi State Penitentiary at
Parchman. Mississippi employed the trusty system, a hierarchical order of
inmates that used some inmates to control and enforce punishment of other
inmates.
In 1970 the civil rights lawyer Roy Haber began taking
statements from inmates. He collected 50 pages of details of murders, rapes,
beatings and other abuses suffered by the inmates from 1969 to 1971 at
Mississippi State Penitentiary. In a landmark case known as Gates v. Collier
(1972), four inmates represented by Haber sued the superintendent of Parchman
Farm for violating their rights under the United States Constitution.
Federal Judge William C. Keady found in favor of the
inmates, writing that Parchman Farm violated the civil rights of the inmates by
inflicting cruel and unusual punishment. He ordered an immediate end to all
unconstitutional conditions and practices. Racial segregation of inmates was
abolished, as was the trusty system, which allowed certain inmates to have power
and control over others.
The prison was renovated in 1972 after the scathing ruling
by Judge Keady, who wrote that the prison was an affront to "modern standards of decency."
Among other reforms, the accommodations were made fit for human habitation. The
system of trusties was abolished. (The prison had armed lifers with rifles and
given them authority to oversee and guard other inmates, which led to many
abuses and murders.)
In integrated correctional facilities in northern and
western states, blacks represented a disproportionate number of the prisoners,
in excess of their proportion of the general population. They were often
treated as second-class citizens by white correctional officers. Blacks also
represented a disproportionately high number of death row inmates. Eldridge
Cleaver's book Soul on Ice was written from his experiences in the California
correctional system; it contributed to black militancy.
Cold War
There was an international context for the actions of the
U.S. federal government during these years. Soviet media frequently covered
racial discrimination in the U.S. Deeming American criticism of Soviet Union
human rights abuses as hypocritical the Soviets would respond with "And you are lynching Negroes". In
his 1934 book Russia Today: What Can We Learn from It? Sherwood Eddy wrote: "In the most remote villages of Russia
today Americans are frequently asked what they are going to do to the
Scottsboro Negro boys and why they lynch Negroes."
In Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American
Democracy, the historian Mary L. Dudziak wrote that Communists critical of the
United States accused the nation for its hypocrisy in portraying itself as the "leader of the free world,"
when so many of its citizens were subjected to severe racial discrimination and
violence; she argued that this was a major factor in moving the government to
support civil rights legislation.
In popular culture
The 1954 to 1968 civil rights movement contributed strong
cultural threads to American and international theater, song, film, television,
and folk art.
Activist organizations
National/regional
civil rights organizations
• Congress
of Racial Equality (CORE)
• Deacons
for Defense and Justice
• Leadership
Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR)
• Medical
Committee for Human Rights (MCHR)
• National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)
• National
Council of Negro Women (NCNW)
• Organization
of Afro-American Unity
• Southern
Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)
• Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC)
• Southern
Conference Educational Fund (SCEF)
• Southern
Student Organizing Committee (SSOC)
National economic
empowerment organizations
• Operation
Breadbasket
• Urban
League
Local civil rights
organizations
• Albany
Movement (Albany, GA)
• Council
of Federated Organizations (Mississippi)
• Montgomery
Improvement Association (Montgomery, AL)
• Regional
Council of Negro Leadership (Mississippi)
• Women's
Political Council (Montgomery, AL)
Individual activists
• Ralph
Abernathy
• Victoria
Gray Adams
• Muhammad
Ali
• Maya
Angelou
• Louis
Austin
• Ella
Baker
• James
Baldwin
• Marion
Barry
• Daisy
Bates
• Fay
Bellamy Powell
• James
Bevel
• Claude
Black
• Unita
Blackwell
• Julian
Bond
• Amelia
Boynton
• Anne
Braden
• Carl
Braden
• Stanley
Branche
• Mary Fair
Burks
• Stokely
Carmichael
• Septima
Clark
• Albert Cleage
• Charles
E. Cobb Jr.
• Annie Lee
Cooper
• Dorothy
Cotton
• Claudette
Colvin
• Jonathan
Daniels
• Annie
Devine
• Doris
Derby
• Marian
Wright Edelman
• Medgar
Evers
• Myrlie
Evers-Williams
• James L.
Farmer Jr.
• Karl
Fleming
• Sarah Mae
Flemming
• James
Forman
• Frankie
Muse Freeman
• Fred Gray
• Jack
Greenberg
• Dick
Gregory
• Prathia
Hall
• Fannie
Lou Hamer
• Lorraine
Hansberry
• Robert
Hayling
• Lola
Hendricks
• Aaron
Henry
• Libby
Holman
• Myles
Horton
• T. R. M.
Howard
• Winson
Hudson
• Jesse Jackson
• Jimmie
Lee Jackson
• Esau
Jenkins
• Gloria
Johnson-Powell
• Clyde
Kennard
• Coretta
Scott King
• Martin
Luther King Jr.
• Bernard
Lafayette
• W. W. Law
• James
Lawson
• John
Lewis
• Viola
Liuzzo
• Joseph
Lowery
• Autherine
Lucy
• Clara
Luper
• Thurgood
Marshall
• James
Meredith
• Loren
Miller
• Jack
Minnis
• Anne
Moody
• Harry T.
Moore
• E.
Frederic Morrow
• Robert
Parris Moses
• Bill
Moyer
• Diane
Nash
• Denise
Nicholas
• E. D.
Nixon
• David
Nolan
• James
Orange
• Nan
Grogan Orrock
• Rosa
Parks
• Rutledge
Pearson
• A. Philip
Randolph
• George
Raymond
• George
Raymond Jr.
• James
Reeb
• Frederick
D. Reese
• Gloria
Richardson
• Amelia
Boynton Robinson
• Jackie
Robinson
• Jo Ann
Robinson
• Ruby
Doris Smith-Robinson
• Bayard
Rustin
• Cleveland
Sellers
• Charles
Sherrod
• Fred
Shuttlesworth
• Modjeska
Monteith Simkins
• Nina
Simone
• Charles
Kenzie Steele
• Dempsey
Travis
• C. T.
Vivian
• Wyatt Tee
Walker
• Hosea
Williams
• Robert F.
Williams
• Malcolm X
• Andrew
Young
• Whitney
Young
History preservation:
• Birmingham
Civil Rights National Monument
• Freedom
Riders National Monument
• Read's
Drug Store (Baltimore), site of a 1955 desegregation sit-in
• Seattle
Civil Rights and Labor History Project
• Television
News of the Civil Rights Era 1950–1970
Post–civil rights movement:
• Black
Lives Matter
• Post–civil
rights era in African-American history