Emotion recognition
and empathy
A large body of research suggests that psychopathy is
associated with atypical responses to distress cues from other people, more
precisely an impaired emotional empathy in the recognition of, and response to,
facial expressions, body gestures and vocal tones of fear, sadness, pain and
happiness. This impaired recognition and reduced autonomic responsiveness might
be partly accounted for by a decreased activation of the fusiform and extra-striate
cortical regions. The underlying biological surfaces for processing expressions
of happiness are functionally intact in psychopaths, although less responsive
than those of controls. The neuroimaging literature is unclear as to whether
deficits are specific to particular emotions such as fear. The overall pattern
of results across studies indicates that people diagnosed with psychopathy
demonstrate reduced MRI, fMRI, aMRI, PET, and SPECT activity in areas of the brain.
Research has also shown that an approximate 18% smaller amygdala size
contributes to a significantly lower emotional sensation in regards to fear,
sadness, amongst other negative emotions, which may likely be the reason as to
why psychopathic individuals have lower empathy. Some recent fMRI studies have
reported that emotion perception deficits in psychopathy are pervasive across
emotions (positives and negatives). Studies on children with psychopathic
tendencies have also shown such associations. Meta-analyses have also found
evidence of impairments in both vocal and facial emotional recognition for
several emotions (i.e., not only fear and sadness) in both adults and children/adolescents.
Moral judgment
Psychopathy has been associated with amorality—an absence
of, indifference towards, or disregard for moral beliefs. There are few firm
data on patterns of moral judgment. Studies of developmental level
(sophistication) of moral reasoning found all possible results—lower, higher or
the same as non-psychopaths. Studies that compared judgments of personal moral
transgressions versus judgments of breaking conventional rules or laws found
that psychopaths rated them as equally severe, whereas non-psychopaths rated
the rule-breaking as less severe.
A study comparing judgments of whether personal or
impersonal harm would be endorsed in order to achieve the rationally maximum
(utilitarian) amount of welfare found no significant differences between
subjects high and low in psychopathy. However, a further study using the same
tests found that prisoners scoring high on the PCL were more likely to endorse
impersonal harm or rule violations than non-psychopathic controls were. The
psychopathic offenders who scored low in anxiety were also more willing to
endorse personal harm on average.
Assessing accidents, where one person harmed another
unintentionally, psychopaths judged such actions to be more morally
permissible. This result has been considered a reflection of psychopaths'
failure to appreciate the emotional aspect of the victim's harmful experience.
Cause
Behavioral genetic studies have identified potential genetic
and non-genetic contributors to psychopathy, including influences on brain
function. Proponents of the triarchic model believe that psychopathy results
from the interaction of genetic predispositions and an adverse environment.
What is adverse may differ depending on the underlying predisposition: for
example, it is hypothesized that persons having high boldness may respond
poorly to punishment but may respond better to rewards and secure attachments.
Genetic
Genetically informed studies of the personality
characteristics typical of individuals with psychopathy have found moderate
genetic (as well as non-genetic) influences. On the PPI, fearless dominance and
impulsive antisociality were similarly influenced by genetic factors and
uncorrelated with each other. Genetic factors may generally influence the
development of psychopathy while environmental factors affect the specific expression
of the traits that predominate. A study on a large group of children found more
than 60% heritability for "callous-unemotional
traits" and that conduct disorder among children with these traits has
a higher heritability than among children without these traits.
Environment
From accidents such as the one of Phineas Gage, it is known
that the prefrontal cortex plays an important role in moral behavior.
A study by Farrington of a sample of London males followed
between age 8 and 48 included studying which factors scored 10 or more on the
PCL:SV at age 48. The strongest factors included having a convicted parent,
being physically neglected, low involvement of the father with the boy, low
family income, and coming from a disrupted family. Other significant factors
included poor supervision, abuse, harsh discipline, large family size,
delinquent sibling, young mother, depressed mother, low social class, and poor
housing. There has also been association between psychopathy and detrimental treatment
by peers. However, it is difficult to determine the extent of an environmental
influence on the development of psychopathy because of evidence of its strong
heritability.
Brain injury
Researchers have linked head injuries with psychopathy and
violence. Since the 1980s, scientists have associated traumatic brain injury,
such as damage to the prefrontal cortex, including the orbitofrontal cortex,
with psychopathic behavior and a deficient ability to make morally and socially
acceptable decisions, a condition that has been termed "acquired sociopathy", or "pseudo-psychopathy". Individuals with damage to the area
of the prefrontal cortex known as the ventromedial prefrontal cortex show remarkable
similarities to diagnosed psychopathic individuals, displaying reduced
autonomic response to emotional stimuli, deficits in aversive conditioning,
similar preferences in moral and economic decision making, and diminished
empathy and social emotions like guilt or shame. These emotional and moral
impairments may be especially severe when the brain injury occurs at a young
age. Children with early damage in the prefrontal cortex may never fully
develop social or moral reasoning and become "psychopathic individuals ... characterized by high levels of
aggression and antisocial behavior performed without guilt or empathy for their
victims". Additionally, damage to the amygdala may impair the ability
of the prefrontal cortex to interpret feedback from the limbic system, which
could result in uninhibited signals that manifest in violent and aggressive
behavior.
Other theories
Evolutionary
explanations
Psychopathy is associated with several adverse life outcomes
as well as increased risk of disability and death due to factors such as
violence, accidents, homicides, and suicides. This, in combination with the
evidence for genetic influences, is evolutionarily puzzling and may suggest
that there are compensating evolutionary advantages, and researchers within
evolutionary psychology have proposed several evolutionary explanations.
According to one hypothesis, some traits associated with psychopathy may be
socially adaptive, and psychopathy may be a frequency-dependent, socially
parasitic strategy, which may work as long as there is a large population of
altruistic and trusting individuals, relative to the population of psychopathic
individuals, to be exploited. It is also suggested that some traits associated
with psychopathy such as early, promiscuous, adulterous, and coercive sexuality
may increase reproductive success. Robert Hare has stated that many
psychopathic males have a pattern of mating with and quickly abandoning women,
and thereby have a high fertility rate, resulting in children that may inherit
a predisposition to psychopathy.
Criticism includes that it may be better to look at the
contributing personality factors rather than treat psychopathy as a unitary
concept due to poor testability. Furthermore, if psychopathy is caused by the
combined effects of a very large number of adverse mutations then each mutation
may have such a small effect that it escapes natural selection. The personality
is thought to be influenced by a very large number of genes and may be
disrupted by random mutations, and psychopathy may instead be a product of a
high mutation load. Psychopathy has alternatively been suggested to be a
spandrel, a byproduct, or side-effect, of the evolution of adaptive traits
rather than an adaptation in itself.
Mechanisms
Psychological
Some laboratory research demonstrates correlations between
psychopathy and atypical responses to aversive stimuli, including weak
conditioning to painful stimuli and poor learning of avoiding responses that
cause punishment, as well as low reactivity in the autonomic nervous system as
measured with skin conductance while waiting for a painful stimulus but not
when the stimulus occurs. While it has been argued that the reward system
functions normally, some studies have also found reduced reactivity to
pleasurable stimuli. According to the response modulation hypothesis,
psychopathic individuals have also had difficulty switching from an ongoing
action despite environmental cues signaling a need to do so. This may explain
the difficulty responding to punishment, although it is unclear if it can
explain findings such as deficient conditioning. There may be methodological issues
regarding the research. While establishing a range of idiosyncrasies on average
in linguistic and affective processing under certain conditions, this research
program has not confirmed a common pathology of psychopathy.
Neurological
Dysfunction of the orbitofrontal cortex, among other areas,
is implicated in the mechanism of psychopathy.
Thanks to advancing MRI studies, experts are able to
visualize specific brain differences and abnormalities of individuals with
psychopathy in areas that control emotions, social interactions, ethics,
morality, regret, impulsivity and conscience within the brain. Blair, a
researcher who pioneered research into psychopathic tendencies stated, "With regard to psychopathy, we have
clear indications regarding why the pathology gives rise to the emotional and
behavioral disturbance and important insights into the neural systems implicated
in this pathology". Dadds et al., remarks that despite a rapidly
advancing neuroscience of empathy, little is known about the developmental
underpinnings of the psychopathic disconnect between affective and cognitive
empathy.
A 2008 review by Weber et al. suggested that psychopathy is
sometimes associated with brain abnormalities in prefrontal-temporo-limbic
regions that are involved in emotional and learning processes, among others.
Neuroimaging studies have found structural and functional differences between
those scoring high and low on the PCL-R in a 2011 review by Skeem et al.
stating that they are "most notably in
the amygdala, hippocampus and para-hippocampal gyri, anterior and posterior
cingulate cortex, striatum, insula, and frontal and temporal cortex".
The amygdala and frontal areas have been suggested as
particularly important. People scoring 25 or higher in the PCL-R, with an
associated history of violent behavior, appear on average to have significantly
reduced microstructural integrity between the white matter connecting the
amygdala and orbitofrontal cortex (such as the uncinate fasciculus). The
evidence suggested that the degree of abnormality was significantly related to
the degree of psychopathy and may explain the offending behaviors. Furthermore,
changes in the amygdala have been associated with "callous-unemotional" traits in children. However, the
amygdala has also been associated with positive emotions, and there have been
inconsistent results in the studies in particular areas, which may be due to
methodological issues.
Some of these findings are consistent with other research
and theories. For example, in a neuroimaging study of how individuals with
psychopathy respond to emotional words, widespread differences in activation
patterns have been shown across the temporal lobe when psychopathic criminals
were compared to "normal"
volunteers, which is consistent with views in clinical psychology.
Additionally, the notion of psychopathy being characterized by low fear is
consistent with findings of abnormalities in the amygdala, since deficits in
aversive conditioning and instrumental learning are thought to result from
amygdala dysfunction, potentially compounded by orbitofrontal cortex
dysfunction, although the specific reasons are unknown.
Considerable research has documented the presence of the two
subtypes of primary and secondary psychopathy. Proponents of the
primary-secondary psychopathy distinction and triarchic model argue that there
are neurological differences between these subgroups of psychopathy which
support their views. For instance, the boldness factor in the triarchic model
is argued to be associated with reduced activity in the amygdala during fearful
or aversive stimuli and reduced startle response, while the disinhibition
factor is argued to be associated with impairment of frontal lobe tasks. There
is evidence that boldness and disinhibition are genetically distinguishable.
Biochemical
High levels of testosterone combined with low levels of
cortisol and/or serotonin have been theorized as contributing factors.
Testosterone is "associated with
approach-related behavior, reward sensitivity, and fear reduction",
and injecting testosterone "shift[s]
the balance from punishment to reward sensitivity", decreases
fearfulness, and increases "responding
to angry faces". Some studies have found that high testosterone levels
are associated with antisocial and aggressive behaviors, yet other research
suggests that testosterone alone does not cause aggression but increases
dominance-seeking. It is unclear from studies if psychopathy correlates with
high testosterone levels, but a few studies have found that disruption of
serotonin neurotransmission disrupts cortisol reactivity to a stress-inducing
speech task. Thus, dysregulation of serotonin in the brain may contribute to
the low cortisol levels observed in psychopathy. Cortisol increases withdrawal
behavior and sensitivity to punishment and aversive conditioning, which are
abnormally low in individuals with psychopathy and may underlie their impaired
aversion learning and disinhibited behavior. High testosterone levels combined
with low serotonin levels are associated with "impulsive and highly negative reactions", and may
increase violent aggression when an individual is provoked or becomes
frustrated. Several animal studies note the role of serotonergic functioning in
impulsive aggression and antisocial behavior.
However, some studies on animal and human subjects have
suggested that the emotional-interpersonal traits and predatory aggression of
psychopathy, in contrast to impulsive and reactive aggression, is related to
increased serotoninergic functioning. A study by Dolan and Anderson, regarding
the relationship between serotonin and psychopathic traits in a sample of
personality disordered offenders, found that serotonin functioning as measured
by prolactin response, while inversely associated with impulsive and antisocial
traits, were positively correlated with arrogant and deceitful traits, and, to
a lesser extent, callous and remorseless traits. Bariş Yildirim theorizes that
the 5-HTTLPR "long" allele,
which is generally regarded as protective against internalizing disorders, may
interact with other serotoninergic genes to create a hyper-regulation and
dampening of affective processes that result in psychopathy's emotional
impairments. Furthermore, the combination of the 5-HTTLPR long allele and high
testosterone levels has been found to result in a reduced response to threat as
measured by cortisol reactivity, which mirrors the fear deficits found in those
with psychopathy.
Studies have suggested other correlations. Psychopathy was
associated in two studies with an increased ratio of HVA (a dopamine
metabolite) to 5-HIAA (a serotonin metabolite). Studies have found that
individuals with the traits meeting criteria for psychopathy show a greater
dopamine response to potential "rewards"
such as monetary promises or taking drugs such as amphetamines. This has been
theoretically linked to increased impulsivity. A 2010 British study found that
a large 2D:4D digit ratio, an indication of high prenatal estrogen exposure,
was a "positive correlate of
psychopathy in females, and a positive correlate of callous affect (psychopathy
sub-scale) in males".
Findings have also shown monoamine oxidase A to affect the
predictive ability of the PCL-R. Monoamine oxidases (MAOs) are enzymes that are
involved in the breakdown of neurotransmitters such as serotonin and dopamine
and are, therefore, capable of influencing feelings, mood, and behavior in
individuals. Findings suggest that further research is needed in this area.
Diagnosis
Tools
Psychopathy Checklist
Psychopathy is most commonly assessed with the Psychopathy
Checklist, Revised (PCL-R), created by Robert D. Hare based on Cleckley's
criteria from the 1940s, criminological concepts such as those of William and
Joan McCord, and his own research on criminals and incarcerated offenders in
Canada. The PCL-R is widely used and is referred to by some as the "gold standard" for assessing
psychopathy. There are nonetheless numerous criticisms of the PCL-R as a
theoretical tool and in real-world usage.
Psychopathic
Personality Inventory
Unlike the PCL, the Psychopathic Personality Inventory (PPI)
was developed to comprehensively index personality traits without explicitly
referring to antisocial or criminal behaviors themselves. It is a self-report
scale that was developed originally for non-clinical samples (e.g. university students)
rather than prisoners though may be used with the latter. It was revised in
2005 to become the PPI-R and now comprises 154 items organized into eight
subscales. The item scores have been found to group into two overarching and
largely separate factors (unlike the PCL-R factors), Fearless-Dominance and
Impulsive Antisociality, plus a third factor, Cold-heartedness, which is
largely dependent on scores on the other two Factor 1 is associated with social
efficacy while Factor 2 is associated with maladaptive tendencies. A person may
score at different levels on the different factors, but the overall score
indicates the extent of psychopathic personality.
Triarchic Psychopathy
Measure
The Triarchic Psychopathy Measure, otherwise known as the TriPM,
is a 58-item, self-report assessment that measures psychopathy within the three
traits identified in the triarchic model: boldness, meanness and disinhibition.
Each trait is measured on separate subscales and added up resulting in a total
psychopathy score.
The TriPM includes various components of other measures for
assessing psychopathy, including meanness and disinhibition patterns within the
psychopathic personality. However, there are differing approaches in the
measurement of the boldness construct. The boldness construct is used to
highlighting the social and interpersonal implications of the psychopathic
personality.
DSM and ICD
There are currently two widely established systems for
classifying mental disorders—the International Classification of Diseases (ICD)
produced by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) produced by the American
Psychiatric Association (APA). Both list categories of disorders thought to be
distinct types, and have deliberately converged their codes in recent revisions
so that the manuals are often broadly comparable, although significant differences
remain.
The first edition of the DSM in 1952 had a section on
sociopathic personality disturbances, then a general term that included such
things as homosexuality and alcoholism as well as an "antisocial reaction" and "dissocial reaction". The latter two eventually became
antisocial personality disorder (ASPD) in the DSM and dissocial personality
disorder in the ICD. Both manuals have stated that their diagnoses have been
referred to, or include what is referred to, as psychopathy or sociopathy,
although neither diagnostic manual has ever included a disorder officially titled
as such.
Other tools
There are some traditional personality tests that contain
subscales relating to psychopathy, though they assess relatively non-specific
tendencies towards antisocial or criminal behavior. These include the Minnesota
Multiphasic Personality Inventory (Psychopathic Deviate scale), California
Psychological Inventory (Socialization scale), and Millon Clinical Multiaxial
Inventory Antisocial Personality Disorder scale. There is also the Levenson
Self-Report Psychopathy Scale (LSRP) and the Hare Self-Report Psychopathy Scale
(HSRP), but in terms of self-report tests, the PPI/PPI-R has become more used
than either of these in modern psychopathy research on adults.
Comorbidity
Studies suggest strong comorbidity between psychopathy and
antisocial personality disorder. Among numerous studies, positive correlations
have also been reported between psychopathy and histrionic, narcissistic,
borderline, paranoid, and schizoid personality disorders, panic and
obsessive–compulsive disorders, but not neurotic disorders in general,
schizophrenia, or depression.
Factor 1 and the boldness scale of psychopathy measurements
are associated with narcissism and histrionic personality disorder. This is due
to a psychopath's cognitive and affective egocentrism. However, while a
narcissistic individual might view themselves as confident, they might seek out
validation and attention from others to validate their self-worth, whereas a
psychopathic individual usually lacks such ambitions.
Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is known to
be highly comorbid with conduct disorder (a theorized precursor to ASPD), and
may also co-occur with psychopathic tendencies. This may be explained in part
by deficits in executive function. Anxiety disorders often co-occur with ASPD,
and contrary to assumptions, psychopathy can sometimes be marked by anxiety;
this appears to be related to items from Factor 2 but not Factor 1 of the
PCL-R. Psychopathy is also associated with substance use disorders.
Michael Fitzgerald suggested overlaps between (primary)
psychopathy and Asperger Syndrome in terms of fearlessness, planning of acts,
empathy deficits, callous behavior, and sometimes superficial charisma. Studies
investigating similarities and differences between psychopathy and autism
indicate that autism and psychopathy are not part of the same construct. Rather
both conditions might co-occur in some individuals. Recent studies indicate
that some individuals with an autism diagnosis also show callous and
unemotional traits (a risk-factor for developing psychopathy), but are less
strongly associated with conduct problems. Likewise, some people with an
Asperger Syndrome Diagnosis have shown correlations with the "unemotional" factor and "behavioral dyscontrol" factor
of psychopathy, but not the "interpersonal"
factor.
It has been suggested that psychopathy may be comorbid with
several other conditions than these, but limited work on comorbidity has been
carried out. This may be partly due to difficulties in using inpatient groups
from certain institutions to assess comorbidity, owing to the likelihood of some
bias in sample selection.
Sex differences
Research on psychopathy has largely been done on men and the
PCL-R was developed using mainly male criminal samples, raising the question of
how well the results apply to women. Men score higher than women on both the
PCL-R and the PPI and on both of their main scales. The differences tend to be
somewhat larger on the interpersonal-affective scale than on the antisocial
scale. Most but not all studies have found broadly similar factor structure for
men and women.
Many associations with other personality traits are similar,
although in one study the antisocial factor was more strongly related with
impulsivity in men and more strongly related with openness to experience in
women. It has been suggested that psychopathy in men manifest more as an
antisocial pattern while in women it manifests more as a histrionic pattern.
Studies on this have shown mixed results. PCL-R scores may be somewhat less
predictive of violence and recidivism in women. On the other hand, psychopathy
may have a stronger relationship with suicide and possibly internalizing
symptoms in women. A suggestion is that psychopathy manifests more as
externalizing behaviors in men and more as internalizing behaviors in women.
Furthermore, one study has suggested substantial gender differences were found
in the etiology of psychopathy. For girls, 75% of the variance in severe
callous and unemotional traits was attributable to environmental factors and
just 0% of the variance was attributable to genetic factors. In boys, the link
was reversed.
Studies have also found that women in prison score significantly
lower on psychopathy than men; with one study reporting only 11 percent of
violent females in prison met the psychopathy criteria in comparison to 31
percent of violent males. Other studies have also indicated that high
psychopathic females are rare in forensic settings.
Management
Clinical
Psychopathy has often been considered untreatable. Its
unique characteristics makes it among the most refractory of personality
disorders, a class of mental illnesses that are already traditionally considered
difficult to treat. People with psychopathy are generally unmotivated to seek
treatment for their condition, and can be uncooperative in therapy. Attempts to
treat psychopathy with the current tools available to psychiatry have been
disappointing. Harris and Rice's Handbook of Psychopathy says that there is
currently little evidence for a cure or effective treatment for psychopathy; as
yet, no pharmacological therapies are known to or have been trialed for
alleviating the emotional, interpersonal and moral deficits of psychopathy, and
patients with psychopathy who undergo psychotherapy might gain the skills to
become more adept at the manipulation and deception of others and be more
likely to commit crime. Some studies suggest that punishment and behavior
modification techniques are ineffective at modifying the behavior of
psychopathic individuals as they are insensitive to punishment or threat. These
failures have led to a widely pessimistic view on its treatment prospects, a
view that is exacerbated by the little research being done into psychopathy
compared to the efforts committed to other mental illnesses, which makes it
more difficult to gain the understanding of this condition that is necessary to
develop effective therapies.
Although the core character deficits of highly psychopathic
individuals are likely to be highly incorrigible to the currently available
treatment methods, the antisocial and criminal behavior associated with it may
be more amenable to management, the management of which being the main aim of
therapy programs in correctional settings. It has been suggested that the
treatments that may be most likely to be effective at reducing overt antisocial
and criminal behavior are those that focus on self-interest, emphasizing the
tangible, material value of pro-social behavior, with interventions that
develop skills to obtain what the patient wants out of life in pro-social
rather than antisocial ways. To this end, various therapies have been tried
with the aim of reducing the criminal activity of incarcerated offenders with
psychopathy, with mixed success. As psychopathic individuals are insensitive to
sanction, reward-based management, in which small privileges are granted in
exchange for good behavior, has been suggested and used to manage their
behavior in institutional settings.
Psychiatric medications may also alleviate co-occurring
conditions sometimes associated with psychopathy or with symptoms such as aggression
or impulsivity, including antipsychotic, antidepressant or mood-stabilizing
medications, although none have yet been approved by the FDA for this purpose.
For example, a study found that the antipsychotic clozapine may be effective in
reducing various behavioral dysfunctions in a sample of high-security hospital
inpatients with antisocial personality disorder and psychopathic traits.
However, research into the pharmacological treatment of psychopathy and the
related condition antisocial personality disorder is minimal, with much of the
knowledge in this area being extrapolations based on what is known about
pharmacology in other mental disorders.
Legal
The PCL-R, the PCL: SV, and the PCL:YV are highly regarded
and widely used in criminal justice settings, particularly in North America.
They may be used for risk assessment and for assessing treatment potential and
be used as part of the decisions regarding bail, sentence, which prison to use,
parole, and regarding whether a youth should be tried as a juvenile or as an
adult. There have been several criticisms against its use in legal settings.
They include the general criticisms against the PCL-R, the availability of
other risk assessment tools which may have advantages, and the excessive
pessimism surrounding the prognosis and treatment possibilities of those who are
diagnosed with psychopathy.
The interrater reliability of the PCL-R can be high when used
carefully in research but tend to be poor in applied settings. In particular
Factor 1 items are somewhat subjective. In sexually violent predator cases the
PCL-R scores given by prosecution experts were consistently higher than those
given by defense experts in one study. The scoring may also be influenced by
other differences between raters. In one study it was estimated that of the
PCL-R variance, about 45% was due to true offender differences, 20% was due to
which side the rater testified for, and 30% was due to other rater differences.
To aid a criminal investigation, certain interrogation
approaches may be used to exploit and leverage the personality traits of
suspects thought to have psychopathy and make them more likely to divulge
information.
United Kingdom
The PCL-R score cut-off for a label of psychopathy is 25 out
of 40 in the United Kingdom, instead of 30 as it is in the United States.
In the United Kingdom, "psychopathic
disorder" was legally defined in the Mental Health Act (UK), under MHA1983,
as "a persistent disorder or
disability of mind (whether or not including significant impairment of
intelligence) which results in abnormally aggressive or seriously irresponsible
conduct on the part of the person concerned". This term was intended
to reflect the presence of a personality disorder in terms of conditions for
detention under the Mental Health Act 1983. Amendments to MHA1983 within the
Mental Health Act 2007 abolished the term "psychopathic
disorder", with all conditions for detention (e.g. mental illness,
personality disorder, etc.) encompassed by the generic term of "mental disorder".
In England and Wales, the diagnosis of dissocial personality
disorder is grounds for detention in secure psychiatric hospitals under the
Mental Health Act if they have committed serious crimes, but since such
individuals are disruptive to other patients and not responsive to usual
treatment methods this alternative to traditional incarceration is often not
used.
United States
"Sexual
psychopath" laws
Starting in the 1930s, before some modern concepts of
psychopathy were developed, "sexual
psychopath" laws, the term referring broadly to mental illness, were
introduced by some states, and by the mid-1960s more than half of the states
had such laws. Sexual offenses were considered to be caused by underlying
mental illnesses, and it was thought that sex offenders should be treated, in
agreement with the general rehabilitative trends at this time. Courts committed
sex offenders to a mental health facility for community protection and
treatment.
Starting in 1970, many of these laws were modified or
abolished in favor of more traditional responses such as imprisonment due to
criticism of the "sexual
psychopath" concept as lacking scientific evidence, the treatment
being ineffective, and predictions of future offending being dubious. There
were also a series of cases where persons treated and released committed new
sexual offenses. Starting in the 1990s, several states have passed sexually
dangerous person laws, including registration, housing restrictions, public
notification, mandatory reporting by health care professionals, and civil
commitment, which permits indefinite confinement after a sentence has been
completed. Psychopathy measurements may be used in the confinement decision
process.
Prognosis
The prognosis for psychopathy in forensic and clinical
settings is quite poor, with some studies reporting that treatment may worsen
the antisocial aspects of psychopathy as measured by recidivism rates, though
it is noted that one of the frequently cited studies finding increased criminal
recidivism after treatment, a 2011 retrospective study of a treatment program
in the 1960s, had several serious methodological problems and likely would not
be approved of today. However, some relatively rigorous quasi-experimental
studies using more modern treatment methods have found improvements regarding
reducing future violent and other criminal behavior, regardless of PCL-R scores,
although none were randomized controlled trials. Various other studies have
found improvements in risk factors for crime such as substance abuse. No study
has yet examined whether the personality traits that form the core character
disturbances of psychopathy could be changed by such treatments.
Frequency
A 2008 study using the PCL: SV found that 1.2% of a US
sample scored 13 or more out of 24, indicating "potential psychopathy". The scores correlated
significantly with violence, alcohol use, and lower intelligence. A 2009
British study by Coid et al., also using the PCL: SV reported a community
prevalence of 0.6% scoring 13 or more. However, if the scoring was adjusted to the
recommended 18 or more, this would have left the prevalence closer to 0.1%. The
scores correlated with younger age, male gender, suicide attempts, violence,
imprisonment, homelessness, drug dependence, personality disorders (histrionic,
borderline and antisocial), and panic and obsessive–compulsive disorders.
Psychopathy has a much higher prevalence in the convicted
and incarcerated population, where it is thought that an estimated 15–25% of
prisoners qualify for the diagnosis. A study on a sample of inmates in the UK
found that 7.7% of the inmates interviewed met the PCL-R cut-off of 30 for a
diagnosis of psychopathy. A study on a sample of inmates in Iran using the PCL:
SV found a prevalence of 23% scoring 18 or more. A study by Nathan Brooks from
Bond University found that around one in five corporate bosses display
clinically significant psychopathic traits - a proportion similar to that among
prisoners.
Society and culture
In the workplace
There is limited research on psychopathy in the general work
populace, in part because the PCL-R includes antisocial behavior as a
significant core factor (obtaining a PCL-R score above the threshold is
unlikely without having significant scores on the antisocial-lifestyle factor)
and does not include positive adjustment characteristics, and most researchers
have studied psychopathy in incarcerated criminals, a relatively accessible
population of research subjects.
However, psychologists Fritzon and Board, in their study
comparing the incidence of personality disorders in business executives against
criminals detained in a mental hospital, found that the profiles of some senior
business managers contained significant elements of personality disorders, including
those referred to as the "emotional
components", or interpersonal-affective traits, of psychopathy.
Factors such as boldness, disinhibition, and meanness as defined in the
triarchic model, in combination with other advantages such as a favorable upbringing
and high intelligence, are thought to correlate with stress immunity and
stability, and may contribute to this particular expression. Such individuals
are sometimes referred to as "successful
psychopaths" or "corporate
psychopaths" and they may not always have extensive histories of
traditional criminal or antisocial behavior characteristic of the traditional
conceptualization of psychopathy. Robert Hare claims that the prevalence of
psychopathic traits is higher in the business world than in the general
population, reporting that while about 1% of the general population meets the
clinical criteria for psychopathy, figures of around 3–4% have been cited for
more senior positions in business. Hare considers newspaper tycoon Robert
Maxwell to have been a strong candidate as a "corporate psychopath".
Academics on this subject believe that although psychopathy
is manifested in only a small percentage of workplace staff, it is more common
at higher levels of corporate organizations, and its negative effects (for
example, increased bullying, conflict, stress, staff turnover, absenteeism,
reduction in productivity) often causes a ripple effect throughout an
organization, setting the tone for an entire corporate culture. Employees with
the disorder are self-serving opportunists, and may disadvantage their own
organizations to further their own interests. They may be charming to staff
above their level in the workplace hierarchy, aiding their ascent through the
organization, but abusive to staff below their level, and can do enormous
damage when they are positioned in senior management roles. Psychopathy as
measured by the PCL-R is associated with lower performance appraisals among
corporate professionals. The psychologist Oliver James identifies psychopathy
as one of the dark triadic traits in the workplace, the others being narcissism
and Machiavellianism, which, like psychopathy, can have negative consequences.
According to a study from the University of Notre Dame
published in the Journal of Business Ethics, psychopaths have a natural
advantage in workplaces overrun by abusive supervision, and are more likely to
thrive under abusive bosses, being more resistant to stress, including
interpersonal abuse, and having less of a need for positive relationships than
others.
In fiction
Characters with psychopathy or sociopathy are some of the
most notorious characters in film and literature, but their characterizations
may only vaguely or partly relate to the concept of psychopathy as it is
defined in psychiatry, criminology, and research. The character may be
identified as having psychopathy within the fictional work itself, by its
creators, or from the opinions of audiences and critics, and may be based on
undefined popular stereotypes of psychopathy. Characters with psychopathic
traits have appeared in Greek and Roman mythology, Bible stories, and some of
Shakespeare's works.
Such characters are often portrayed in an exaggerated
fashion and typically in the role of a villain or antihero, where the general
characteristics and stereotypes associated with psychopathy are useful to facilitate
conflict and danger. Because the definitions, criteria, and popular conceptions
throughout its history have varied over the years and continue to change even
now, many of the characters characterized as psychopathic in notable works at
the time of publication may no longer fit the current definition and conception
of psychopathy. There are several archetypal images of psychopathy in both lay
and professional accounts which only partly overlap and can involve
contradictory traits: the charming con artist, the deranged serial killer and
mass murderer, the callous and scheming businessperson, and the chronic
low-level offender and juvenile delinquent. The public concept reflects some
combination of fear of a mythical bogeyman, the disgust and intrigue
surrounding evil, and fascination and sometimes perhaps envy of people who
might appear to go through life without attachments and unencumbered by guilt,
anguish or insecurity.
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