Survivor Story: Lisa McVey

 

Lisa McVey Noland (born March 1967) is an American police officer, school resource officer, and motivational speaker from Tampa, Florida. At age seventeen, she was abducted by Bobby Joe Long, a serial killer and rapist who sexually assaulted and murdered ten women in the Tampa Bay area in 1984. McVey was one of Long's last victims, and the information she provided to police led to his capture. A few years after her ordeal, McVey pursued a career in law enforcement.

History of abuse

McVey has candidly recounted her experience as a victim of abuse, even before her abduction. She had been forced by her drug- and alcohol-addicted mother to move in with and take care of her grandmother at age fourteen. Previously, she had been in and out of foster care. "I was being sexually abused at home. My grandmother's boyfriend used to put a gun to my head every time he molested me for three years. It was nothing new to me. One bad situation led to another bad situation is which saved my life. Because the night before [the abduction] I'm doing my suicide note and the next night I'm fighting for my life."

Abduction

On November 3, 1984, McVey was snatched from her bicycle on the ride to her grandmother's home after work. She was blindfolded, held at gunpoint, raped, and tortured for 26 hours. She would later learn that the perpetrator was Bobby Joe Long, who was responsible for at least 10 murders and over 50 rapes.

During her captivity, McVey offered to be his secret girlfriend. She then elicited sympathy from Long by claiming to be the only child of an ill father. He was persuaded to release her and did so in a remote location, instructing her to keep her blindfold on for five minutes while he escaped. Upon arriving at home, she was beaten by her guardian’s boyfriend and interrogated for five hours about her whereabouts. Her account remained consistent, and a phone call was made to the police.

McVey had committed to memory several details about her abduction and intentionally left fingerprints on several surfaces in Long's bathroom to help police identify her in the event of her death. Through her description of her captor, his vehicle, the route they took, and other details, police were able to track down Long and connect him to other crimes. Officers began a surveillance operation and arrested Long on November 16, 1984, for the sexual assault and kidnapping of McVey.

On September 23, 1985, Long pled guilty to his crimes against McVey and an additional eight counts of first-degree murder, eight counts of kidnapping, and seven counts of sexual battery. He received life sentences on every count in Hillsborough County. Additionally, he received two death sentences for the murders of Michelle Denise Simms and Virginia Johnson.

When Long was executed on May 23, 2019, McVey and another survivor, Linda Nuttall, were present.

Career

In 1995, McVey began working for the Hillsborough County Parks and Recreation department. When she reported a break-in at the office, the deputy who came to the scene said, "You've got the attitude to be a cop. Ever thought of that?" In 1999, she was transferred to the Hillsborough County Sheriff's Office as a dispatcher and became a reserve deputy. She put herself through the police academy and was deputized in 2004. She works in the same department that found and arrested her captor, specializing in combating sex crimes and working to protect children.

She also works as a middle school resource officer and uses her story to teach students how to handle potentially dangerous situations.

In media

I Survived... (Season 4 Episode 6)

McVey tells her story with author Joy Wellman in the 1997 book, Smoldering Embers.

McVey features in the documentary crime series "Surviving Evil," hosted by Charisma Carpenter, in the 2013 episode "Nobody's Victim."

Her story is dramatized in the 2018 television film Believe Me: The Abduction of Lisa McVey, which was originally broadcast on Showcase (Canada) and Lifetime (U.S.), where Katie Douglas portrays Lisa. On June 4, 2021, the film was released on Netflix in the U.K. and other markets.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lisa_McVey

Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act

 

The Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act is a United States federal law that provides for extended criminal penalties and a civil cause of action for acts performed as part of an ongoing criminal organization.

RICO was enacted by Title IX of the Organized Crime Control Act of 1970 (Pub. L. 91–452, 84 Stat. 922, enacted October 15, 1970), and is codified at 18 U.S.C. ch. 96 as 18 U.S.C. §§ 1961–1968.

This article primarily covers the federal criminal statute, but since 1972, 33 U.S. states and territories have adopted state RICO laws, which, although similar, cover additional state crimes and may differ from the federal law and each other in several respects.

History

G. Robert Blakey, an adviser to the United States Senate Government Operations Committee, drafted the law under the close supervision of Senator John L. McClellan, the Chairman of the Criminal Law and Procedures Subcommittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee.

It was signed into law by US President Richard Nixon. Prosecutors in the 1970s used it to prosecute the Mafia as well as others who were actively engaged in organized crime. In later years, prosecutors have applied the law more broadly.

Summary

Under RICO, a person who has committed "at least two acts of racketeering activity" drawn from a list of 35 crimes (27 federal crimes and eight state crimes) within 10 years can be charged with racketeering if such acts are related in one of four specified ways to an "enterprise."

Those found guilty of racketeering can be fined up to $25,000 and sentenced to 20 years in prison per racketeering count.

In addition, the racketeer must forfeit all ill-gotten gains and interest in any business gained through a pattern of "racketeering activity."

A U.S. attorney who indicts someone under RICO has the option of seeking a pre-trial restraining order or an injunction to temporarily seize a defendant's assets and prevent the transfer of potentially forfeitable property, as well as to require the defendant to put up a performance bond. An injunction or performance bond ensures that there is something to seize in the event of a guilty verdict.

This provision prevented the owners of Mafia-related shell corporations from absconding with assets. In many cases, the threat of a RICO indictment can force defendants to plead guilty to lesser charges, in part because the seizure of assets would make it difficult to pay a defense attorney.

Despite its harsh provisions, a RICO-related charge is considered easy to prove in court because it focuses on patterns of behavior as opposed to criminal acts.

Enterprise defined

There must be one of four specified relationships between the defendant(s) and the enterprise. Either the defendant(s):

Invested the proceeds of the pattern of racketeering activity into the enterprise (18 U.S.C. § 1962(a)); or

Acquired or maintained an interest in, or control of, the enterprise through the pattern of racketeering activity (subsection (b)); or

Conducted or participated in the affairs of the enterprise "through" the pattern of racketeering activity (subsection (c)); or

Conspired to do one of the above (subsection (d)).

The US Supreme Court noted that a commentator had used the terms "prize", "instrument", "victim", or "perpetrator" for these four relationships.

Civil provisions

U.S.C. § 1964 provides for civil remedies in cases of violations outlined in U.S.C. § 1962. The following are established:

District Courts may issue court orders appropriate to the restriction or dissolution of entities involved in section 1962 violations.

The Attorney General may start civil proceedings which allow for further court action pending final decision (i.e., injunctions, restraining orders, and acceptance of satisfactory performance bonds).

Allows for the commencement of a civil action by a private party to recover damages sustained as a result of the commission of a RICO predicate offense.

Any individual or organization found guilty during a RICO criminal proceeding may not deny allegations brought forth in criminal proceedings in any civil cases.

The civil provisions of the RICO Act provide versatility in how the government may work to dissolve criminal entities. Due to the lessened burden of proof in civil court (i.e., preponderance of evidence), the United States may circumvent restrictions outlined in criminal proceedings. Discovery tools, permitted use of illegally obtained evidence, and adverse inferences broaden government intervention in combating U.S.C. § 1962 violations.

Civil suits

RICO also permits a private individual "damaged in his business or property" by a "racketeer" to file a civil suit. The plaintiff must prove the existence of an "enterprise." The defendant(s) are not the enterprise; in other words, the defendant(s) and the enterprise are not one and the same.

A civil RICO action can be filed in state or federal court.

Both the criminal and the civil components allow the recovery of treble damages (triple the amount of actual/compensatory damages). If the United States government is the plaintiff in civil court, treble damages may be replaced with a request for equitable remedies and preliminary injunctive relief.

Organized crime

Although its primary intent was to deal with organized crime, Blakey said that Congress never intended it merely to apply to the Mob. He once told Time, "We don't want one set of rules for people whose collars are blue or whose names end in vowels, and another set for those whose collars are white and have Ivy League diplomas.” In the years following its passage, RICO had been criticized for its extensive use against entities other than organized crime. One critic pointed towards the number of civil suits that were brought against businesses, labor unions, and other private parties, which made up for 90% of all civil RICO cases, according to the American Bar Association.

On December 1, 1977, the federal grand jury in the Eastern District of Louisiana indicted thirteen defendants, Robert J. L'Hoste & Company, Inc., for conspiracy and racketeering activity. After the defendants moved to dismiss the indictment for overbreadth and vagueness, the grand jury returned a superseding indictment on February 27, 1978, charging the same offenses and naming eleven defendants, including the appellants. The district court denied a motion to dismiss the superseding indictment, and the first RICO trial commenced on March 13, 1978. The jury convicted the four appellants and another corporation on both the conspiracy and racketeering counts.

In May 1979, prosecutor Mark L. Webb, Northern District of California, conducted a RICO trial, United States v. Sam Bailey Gang. The successful prosecution used the RICO statute to allege that a gang of postal burglars and a Nevada fence collaborated criminally in an organized crime fashion. The case did not involve a Mafia crime family.

Subsequently, the US Attorney's office for the Eastern District of Arkansas used the RICO Act on October 2, 1978, to indict officers of Local 1292 of the Laborers International Union of North America. Special Assistant United States Attorney, Samuel A. Perroni, prosecuted the first labor union official trial that began on June 5, 1979. Perroni's successful prosecution used RICO to convict the defendants of conspiracy, murder for hire, perjury, and embezzlement of union property in United States v. Allison, et al.

The US Attorney's Office in the Southern District of New York employed the RICO Act on September 18, 1979, in United States v. Scotto. Scotto, who was convicted on charges of racketeering, accepting unlawful labor payments, and income tax evasion, headed the International Longshoremen's Association.

During the 1980s and the 1990s, federal prosecutors used the law to bring charges against several Mafia figures. In 1985, United States Attorney Rudy Giuliani (who would be indicted under Georgia RICO laws in August 2023) indicted 11 organized crime figures in United States v. Anthony Salerno, et al, also known as the Mafia Commission Trial. Using the RICO Act, Giuliani charged the heads of New York's so-called "Five Families" with extortion, labor racketeering, and murder for hire.

Three Assistant United States Attorneys assisted in the trial: Michael Chertoff, the eventual second United States Secretary of Homeland Security and co-author of the Patriot Act; John Savarese, later a partner at Wachtell Lipton Rosen & Katz; and Gil Childers, a later deputy chief of the criminal division for the Southern District of New York and later managing director in the legal department at Goldman Sachs.

Time magazine called the "Case of Cases" possibly "the most significant assault on the infrastructure of organized crime since the high command of the Chicago Mafia was swept away in 1943" and quoted Giuliani's stated intention: "Our approach is to wipe out the five families."

Three heads of the Five Families were sentenced to 100 years in prison on January 13, 1987. The Genovese and Colombo leaders, Tony Salerno and Carmine Persico, received additional sentences in separate trials, with 70-year and 39-year sentences to run consecutively. The Gambino crime family boss, Paul Castellano, and his underboss, Thomas Bilotti, were murdered on the streets of Midtown Manhattan on December 16, 1985.

State laws

As of 2014, 33 states as well as Puerto Rico and the United States Virgin Islands had adopted state RICO laws to cover state offenses under a similar scheme.

RICO predicate offenses

Under the law, the meaning of racketeering activity is set out at 18 U.S.C. § 1961. As currently amended, it includes:

Any violation of state statutes against gambling, murder, kidnapping, extortion, arson, robbery, bribery, dealing in obscene matter, or dealing in a controlled substance or listed chemical (as defined in the Controlled Substances Act);

Any act of bribery, counterfeiting, theft, embezzlement, fraud, dealing in obscene matter, obstruction of justice, slavery, racketeering, gambling, money laundering, commission of murder-for-hire, and many other offenses covered under the Federal criminal code (Title 18);

Embezzlement of union funds;

Bankruptcy fraud or securities fraud;

Drug trafficking; long-term and elaborate drug networks can also be prosecuted using the Continuing Criminal Enterprise Statute;

Criminal copyright infringement;

Money laundering and related offenses;

Bringing in, aiding, or assisting aliens in illegally entering the country (if the action was for financial gain);

Acts of terrorism.

Pattern of racketeering activity requires at least two acts of racketeering activity, one of which occurred after the effective date of this chapter and the last of which occurred within ten years (excluding any period of imprisonment) after the commission of a prior act of racketeering activity. The US Supreme Court has instructed federal courts to follow the continuity-plus-relationship test to determine whether the facts of a specific case give rise to an established pattern. The illegal acts forming a pattern are called "predicate" offenses. Predicate acts are related if they "have the same or similar purposes, results, participants, victims, or methods of commission, or otherwise are interrelated by distinguishing characteristics and are not isolated events." Continuity is both a closed and open-ended concept, referring to either a closed period of conduct or to past conduct that by its nature projects into the future with a threat of repetition.

Famous cases

The Lucchese crime family was one of the "Five Families" that dominated organized crime activities in New York City. Prosecuting attorneys Gregory O'Connell and Charles Rose used RICO charges to break up the family over 18 months.

Several members of the Latin Kings have been convicted of RICO offenses.

1978, The Cowboy Mafia

RICO was instrumental in indicting members of the Cowboy Mafia from Texas, Tennessee, and Florida. During 1977 and 1978, this group imported over 106 tons of marijuana. Using the shrimp boats Agnes Pauline, Monkey, Jubilee, and Bayou Blues, the group made six trips from Colombia to Texas. The group was arrested in 1978 after the federal government seized the Agnes Pauline when they were unloading their cargo in Port Arthur, Texas. In 1979, twenty-six members of the smuggling ring were convicted. Charles "Muscles" Foster, a ranch foreman and the head of the operation, pleaded innocent because of insanity and was acquitted in 1980. In August 1981, Rex Cauble was indicted by a grand jury, as the government believed he was the financial backer of the smugglers. Foster was the foreman for his ranches, and the drugs were transported to Cauble's ranches throughout Texas. Cauble was a multi-millionaire, the former chairman of the Texas Aeronautics Commission, and an honorary Texas Ranger. He was also the owner of Cutter Bill, a famous cutting horse. Cauble was convicted in January 1982 on ten counts: two counts of violating the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act statute (RICO), conspiracy to violate RICO, three violations of the Interstate Commerce Travel Act, and four counts of misapplication of bank funds. He was sentenced to ten concurrent terms of five years. He completed his prison term, was released in September 1987, and died in 2003.

Three books about the group were published: The Cowboy Mafia (2003) by Cauble's jet pilot, Roy Graham; Catching the Katy (2017) by Barker Milford; and A Conspiracy Revealed by DEA agent Daniel Wedeman Sr.

As a result of the RICO conviction, Cauble forfeited his 31% interest in Cauble Enterprises, including two Cutter Bill Western World stores, three Texas banks (Western State Bank in Denton, Dallas International Bank and South Main Bank of Houston), six ranches, a welding supply company, and oil and gas holdings. The company's worth was estimated at $80 million. However, the government sold its interest back to the other partners (Cauble's wife and son) for an estimated $12 million.

1979, Hells Angels Motorcycle Club

In 1979, the United States Federal Government went after Sonny Barger and several members and associates of the Oakland chapter of the Hells Angels using RICO. In United States vs. Barger, the prosecution team attempted to demonstrate a pattern of behavior to convict Barger and other members of the club of RICO offenses related to guns and illegal drugs. The jury acquitted Barger on the RICO charges with a hung jury on the predicate acts: "There was no proof it was part of club policy, and as much as they tried, the government could not come up with any incriminating minutes from any of our meetings mentioning drugs and guns."

1980, Gil Dozier

In 1980, Louisiana Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry Gil Dozier was charged with violating both Hobbs and RICO laws. The Baton Rouge-based United States District Court for the Middle District of Louisiana accused Dozier of compelling companies doing business with his department to make campaign contributions on his behalf. On September 23, 1980, a jury convicted Dozier of five counts of extortion and racketeering.

The judge sentenced Dozier to 10 years imprisonment, which was later upgraded to 18 years when other offenses were determined. A $25,000 fine was suspended pending appeal, and Dozier remained free on bail. The United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit in New Orleans upheld Dozier's conviction. He eventually served nearly four years until a presidential commutation freed him in 1986.

1984, Key West Police Department

Around June 1984, the Key West Police Department, located in Monroe County, Florida, was declared a criminal enterprise under the federal RICO statutes after a lengthy United States Department of Justice investigation. Several high-ranking officers of the department, including Deputy Police Chief Raymond Cassamayor, were arrested on federal charges of running a protection racket for illegal cocaine smugglers. At trial, a witness testified he routinely delivered bags of cocaine to the Deputy Chief's office at City Hall.

1984, The Order

The Order was an American far-right terrorist group active from September 1983 to December 1984. Their intention was to precipitate the collapse of the federal Government or Zionist Occupation Government (ZOG), which they perceived as illegitimate. Their intention was to do so via a campaign of bombings and assassinations. However, to fund their actions, they turned to armored car robbery and a counterfeiting and laundering operation. The FBI began to investigate the group using RICO following the assassination of Jewish radio host Alan Berg on June 18, 1984, and the arrest of member Tom Martinez for using counterfeit bills to buy liquor. Martinez informed on The Order, and RICO was used by the FBI to bring 10 members of The Order to trial and achieve convictions on racketeering and conspiracy charges. Throughout The Order's activities they had distributed millions of dollars to the wider far-right movement and Operation Clean Sweep used RICO to bring 14 leading members of the far-right to trial on charges of seditious conspiracy at Fort Smith, alleging their receipt of The Order's funds as connection to their attempt to overthrow the federal government.

1986, Iran-Contra

In 1986, the Christic Institute filed a civil RICO case naming 30 defendants who were also implicated in the Iran-Contra scandal that they were part of a conspiracy behind the La Penca bombing. The suit, titled Avirgan v. Hull, named several Central Intelligence Agency figures and accused them of participating in illegal political assassinations, as well as arms and drug trafficking. The suit was eventually dismissed in 1989, and lead attorney Daniel Sheehan alleged members of the Iran-Contra enterprise were behind the assassination of Judge Robert Vance, who was expected to reverse the dismissal. G. Robert Blakey stated it was the best-charged RICO case he had seen, and the litigation spawned a national fundraising effort. In 1990, Bruce Springsteen and Bonnie Raitt held a benefit concert to support the litigation. A 500-page affidavit filed in December 1986 was also published as "The Shadow Government."

1989, Michael Milken

On March 29, 1989, American financier Michael Milken was indicted on 98 counts of racketeering and fraud relating to an investigation into an allegation of insider trading and other offenses. Milken was accused of using a wide-ranging network of contacts to manipulate stock and bond prices. It was one of the first occasions that a RICO indictment was brought against an individual with no ties to organized crime. Milken pleaded guilty to six lesser felonies of securities fraud and tax evasion, rather than risk spending the rest of his life in prison, and ended up serving 22 months in prison. Milken was also banned for life from the securities industry.

On September 7, 1988, Milken's employer, Drexel Burnham Lambert, was threatened with RICO charges under respondeat superior, the legal doctrine that corporations are responsible for their employees' crimes. Drexel avoided RICO charges by entering an Alford plea to lesser felonies of stock parking and stock manipulation. In a carefully worded plea, Drexel said it was "not in a position to dispute the allegations" made by the Government. If Drexel had been indicted under RICO statutes, it would have had to post a performance bond of up to $1 billion to avoid having its assets frozen. That would have taken precedence over the entire firm's other obligations, including the loans that provided 96 percent of its capital base. If the bond ever had to be paid, its shareholders would have been practically wiped out. Since banks will not extend credit to a firm indicted under RICO, an indictment would have likely put Drexel out of business. By at least one estimate, a RICO indictment would have destroyed the firm within a month. Years later, Drexel President and CEO Fred Joseph said that Drexel had no choice but to plead guilty because "a financial institution cannot survive a RICO indictment."

1992, Gambino crime family

John Gotti and Frank Locascio were convicted on April 2, 1992, under the RICO Act and later sentenced to life in prison.

1998, Embassy Bombings and Al Qaeda

After the 1998 simultaneous bombings of the US Embassies in Tanzania and Kenya, the US Department of Justice sued Osama bin Laden in absentia under the RICO statute. A 2004 documentary by BBC filmmaker Adam Curtis called The Power of Nightmares argued controversially that to prosecute bin Laden in absentia, U.S. prosecutors had to prove that he is the head of a criminal organization responsible for the bombings. They found a former associate of bin Laden, Jamal al-Fadl, and paid him to testify that bin Laden was the head of a massive terrorist organization called "al-Qaeda," which satisfied the requirements of the RICO statute, but that in actuality, a formal terrorist organization named "Al Qaeda" did not exist.

2000, Los Angeles Police Department

In 1999, the Rampart scandal broke in the Los Angeles Police Department, exposing widespread criminal activity within the department's anti-gang unit called CRASH. 70 officers were initially implicated in planting evidence, dealing drugs, bank robbery, and unlawful killings and beatings. In 2000, Federal District judge William Rea ruled the RICO statute could be used to name the entire LAPD as a criminal enterprise for individuals suing it over police brutality and misconduct. Over 140 civil RICO lawsuits were filed against the department. In July 2001, US District Judge Gary A. Feess said that the plaintiffs did not have standing to sue the LAPD under RICO, because they were alleging personal injuries rather than economic or property damage.

2002, Major League Baseball

In 2001, Major League Baseball team owners voted to eliminate two teams, presumably the Minnesota Twins and Montreal Expos. In 2002, the former minority owners of the Expos filed charges under the RICO Act against MLB commissioner Bud Selig and former Expos owner Jeffrey Loria, claiming that Selig and Loria deliberately conspired to devalue the team for personal benefit in preparation for a move. If found liable, Major League Baseball could have been responsible for up to $300 million in punitive damages. The case lasted two years, successfully stalling the Expos' move to Washington or contraction during that time. It was eventually sent to arbitration, where the arbiters ruled in favor of Major League Baseball, permitting the move to Washington to take place.

2004, Bonanno crime family

Bonanno crime family boss Joseph Massino's trial began on May 24, 2004, with Judge Nicholas Garaufis presiding and Greg D. Andres and Robert Henoch heading the prosecution. Massino faced 11 RICO counts for seven murders (due to the prospect of prosecutors seeking the death penalty for the murder of Bonanno caporegime Gerlando Sciascia, that case was to be tried separately), arson, extortion, loansharking, illegal gambling, and money laundering. After deliberating for five days, the jury found Massino guilty of all 11 counts on July 30, 2004. His sentencing was initially scheduled for October 12, and he was expected to receive a sentence of life imprisonment with no possibility of parole. The jury also approved the prosecutors' recommended $10 million forfeiture of the proceeds of his reign as Bonanno boss on the day of the verdict.

Immediately after his July 30 conviction, as the court was adjourned, Massino requested a meeting with Judge Garaufis, where he made his first offer to cooperate. He did so in hopes of sparing his life; he was facing the death penalty if found guilty of Sciascia's murder. Indeed, one of John Ashcroft's final acts as Attorney General was to order federal prosecutors to seek the death penalty for Massino. Massino thus stood to be the first Mafia boss to be executed for his crimes, and the first mob boss to face the death penalty since Lepke Buchalter was executed in 1944. Massino was the first sitting boss of a New York crime family to turn state's evidence, and the second in the history of the American Mafia to do so (Philadelphia crime family boss Ralph Natale had flipped in 1999 when facing drug charges).

2005, Chicago Outfit

In 2005, the US Department of Justice's Operation Family Secrets indicted 14 Chicago Outfit (also known as the Outfit, the Chicago Mafia, the Chicago Mob, or the Organization) members and associates under RICO predicates. Five defendants were convicted of RICO violations and other crimes. Six pleaded guilty, two died before trial, and one was too sick to be tried.

2005, Connecticut Senator Len Fasano

In 2005, a federal jury ordered Fasano to pay $500,000 under RICO for illegally helping a client hide their assets in a bankruptcy case.

2005, Mohawk Industries

The Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in Williams v. Mohawk Industries, Inc., No. 05-465, 547 U.S. 516 (2006) that a corporation could be held liable for "unlawfully conducting the affairs of an association-in-fact enterprise comprised of the corporation and its agents." Mohawk Industries had allegedly hired illegal aliens in violation of RICO. On appeal, the Supreme Court was asked to decide whether Mohawk Industries, along with recruiting agencies, constituted an "enterprise" that could be prosecuted under RICO. The Court vacated the Eleventh Circuit decision that had permitted RICO liability.

2006, Gambino crime family

In Tampa, on October 16, 2006, four members of the Gambino crime family (Capo Ronald Trucchio, Terry Scaglione, Steven Catallono, Anthony Mucciarone, and associate Kevin McMahon) were tried under RICO statutes, found guilty, and sentenced to life in prison.

2009, Scott W. Rothstein

Scott W. Rothstein is a disbarred lawyer and the former managing shareholder, chairman, and chief executive officer of the now-defunct Rothstein Rosenfeldt Adler law firm. He was accused of funding his philanthropy, political contributions, law firm salaries, and an extravagant lifestyle with a massive 1.2 billion dollar Ponzi scheme. On December 1, 2009, Rothstein turned himself in to federal authorities and was subsequently arrested on charges related to RICO. Although his arraignment plea was not guilty, Rothstein cooperated with the government and reversed his plea to guilty of five federal crimes on January 27, 2010. Bond was denied by US Magistrate Judge Robin Rosenbaum, who ruled that due to his ability to forge documents, he was considered a flight risk. On June 9, 2010, Rothstein received a 50-year prison sentence after a hearing in federal court in Fort Lauderdale.

2011, Michael Conahan and Mark Ciavarella

A federal grand jury in the Middle District of Pennsylvania handed down a 48-count indictment against former Luzerne County Court of Common Pleas Judges Michael Conahan and Mark Ciavarella. The judges were charged with RICO after allegedly committing acts of mail and wire fraud, tax evasion, money laundering, and honest services fraud. The judges were accused of taking kickbacks for housing juveniles, which the judges convicted of mostly petty crimes, at a private detention center. The incident was dubbed by many local and national newspapers as the "kids for cash scandal". On February 18, 2011, a federal jury found Mark Ciavarella guilty of racketeering because of his involvement in accepting illegal payments from Robert Mericle, the developer of PA Child Care, and Attorney Robert Powell, a co-owner of the facility. Ciavarella is facing 38 other counts in federal court.

2012, AccessHealthSource

Eleven defendants were indicted on RICO charges for allegedly assisting AccessHealthSource, a local health care provider, in obtaining and maintaining lucrative contracts with local and state government entities in the city of El Paso, Texas, "through bribery of and kickbacks to elected officials or himself and others, extortion under color of authority, fraudulent schemes and artifices, pretenses, promises and representations and deprivation of the right of citizens to the honest services of their elected local officials".

2013, Trump University

Art Cohen vs. Donald J. Trump was a civil RICO class action suit filed October 18, 2013, accusing Donald Trump of misrepresenting Trump University "to make tens of millions of dollars" but delivering "neither Donald Trump nor a university". The case was being heard in U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California in San Diego, No. 3:2013cv02519, by Judge Gonzalo P. Curiel. It was scheduled for argument beginning November 28, 2016. However, on November 18 and shortly after Trump won the presidential election, this case and two others were settled for a total of $25 million to be paid to the plaintiffs, but without any admission of wrongdoing by Trump.

2015, Drummond Company

In 2015, the Drummond Company sued attorneys Terrence P. Collingsworth and William R. Scherer, the advocacy group International Rights Advocates (IRAdvocates), and Dutch businessman Albert van Bilderbeek, one of the owners of Llanos Oil, accusing them of violating RICO by alleging that Drummond had worked alongside Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia to murder labor union leaders within proximity of their Colombian coal mines, which Drummond denies.

2015, FIFA

Fourteen defendants affiliated with FIFA were indicted under the RICO Act on 47 counts for "racketeering, wire fraud and money laundering conspiracies, among other offenses, in connection with the defendants' participation in a 24-year scheme to enrich themselves through the corruption of international soccer". The defendants include many current and former high-ranking officers of FIFA and its affiliate CONCACAF. The defendants had allegedly used the enterprise as a front to collect millions of dollars in bribes, which may have influenced Russia and Qatar's winning bids to host the FIFA World Cup in 2018 and 2022, respectively.

2022, YSL Records

In May 2022, rapper Young Thug was arrested in a RICO indictment filed against him and his YSL Records label. The indictment, filed by Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis, consisted of 56 counts against 28 affiliates of the label, with Thug himself facing 8 charges. The indictment alleged that YSL was not only a record label but a street gang that was partaking in violent activity in Georgia. The case, originally presided over by Judge Ural D. Glanville, has been mired in controversy, including allegations from Thug's lawyer Brian Steel that Glanville had participated in a secret ex parte meeting with the prosecution. The allegations of this meeting resulted in Steel being held in contempt of court and taken into custody, as he refused to disclose the source of his information; he was sentenced to 10 weekends in jail, but this was overturned on appeal. Shortly thereafter, Glanville was recused from the case. The case is currently being presided over by Judge Paige Reese Whitaker.

This case is notable as it included the longest jury selection process in Georgia's history (10 months), and it has been the longest trial in Georgia's history.

2023, Donald Trump

In August 2023, the District Attorney of Fulton County, Georgia, Fani Willis, filed charges under the Georgia state RICO Act against Donald Trump and parties involved, including Rudy Giuliani. The Georgia law contains a list of 40 state crimes or acts that together can be classified as "racketeering schemes". It is broader than the federal law in that attempting, soliciting, coercing, and intimidating another person to commit any of the offenses can also be considered organized crime.

Application of RICO laws

Although some of the RICO predicate acts are extortion and blackmail, one of the most successful applications of the RICO laws has been the ability to indict and or sanction individuals for their behavior and actions committed against witnesses and victims in alleged retaliation or retribution for cooperating with federal law enforcement or intelligence agencies.

Violations of the RICO laws can be alleged in civil lawsuits or criminal charges. In these instances, charges can be brought against individuals or corporations in retaliation for said individuals or corporations working with law enforcement. Further, charges can also be brought against individuals or corporations who have sued or filed criminal charges against a defendant.

Anti-SLAPP (strategic lawsuit against public participation) laws can be applied in an attempt to curb alleged abuses of the legal system by individuals or corporations who use the courts as a weapon to retaliate against whistleblowers or victims or to silence another's speech. RICO could be alleged if it can be shown that lawyers or their clients conspired and collaborated to concoct fictitious legal complaints solely in retribution and retaliation for themselves having been brought before the courts.

Although the RICO laws may cover drug trafficking crimes in addition to other more traditional RICO predicate acts such as extortion, blackmail, and racketeering, large-scale and organized drug networks are now commonly prosecuted under the Continuing Criminal Enterprise Statute, also known as the "Kingpin Statute". The CCE laws target only traffickers who are responsible for long-term and elaborate conspiracies, whereas the RICO law covers a variety of organized criminal behaviors.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racketeer_Influenced_and_Corrupt_Organizations_Act

Murder of Sarah Everard

 

On the evening of 3 March 2021, 33-year-old Sarah Everard was kidnapped in South London, England, as she was walking home to the Brixton Hill area from a friend's house near Clapham Common. She was stopped by off-duty Metropolitan Police constable Wayne Couzens, who identified himself as a police officer, handcuffed her, and placed her in his car before transporting her to Kent. Couzens subsequently raped and strangled Everard, before burning her body and disposing of her remains in a pond in woodland.

On 9 March, Couzens was arrested in Deal, first on suspicion of Everard's kidnapping, and a day later on suspicion of her murder. Everard's remains were discovered in a densely wooded area near Ashford on 10 March; following their identification, Couzens was charged with her kidnapping and murder.

Vigils were held for Everard on the evening of 13 March. The vigil on Clapham Common, near where she had been kidnapped, led to a controversial police response and four arrests for breaches of COVID-19 regulations. The murder gave rise to widespread debate about the role of police in British society and women's safety in the UK.

On 8 June, Couzens pleaded guilty to Everard's kidnapping and rape. On 9 July, he pleaded guilty to her murder. He was sentenced to life imprisonment with a whole life order on 30 September.

A public inquiry chaired by Lady Elish Angiolini KC was commissioned to investigate how Couzens was permitted to serve as a police officer despite an extensive history of alleged sexual offenses. The first part of the report, published in February 2024, found that Couzens had a history of alleged sexual offending and that failings in the vetting process allowed him to become a police officer.

Background

Sarah Everard

Sarah Everard was born in Surrey in 1987. She grew up in York, where she attended Fulford School. She studied Human Geography at St Cuthbert's Society, Durham University, from 2005 to 2008. At the time of her death, Everard lived in the Brixton Hill area and worked as a marketing executive for a digital media agency.

Wayne Couzens

Wayne Couzens was born in Dover, Kent, on 20 December 1972. He was educated at Castlemount School, and after taking GCSEs, worked as a mechanic in his family's garage. He enlisted as a private with the Territorial Army in 2002, and over the following four years, he unsuccessfully applied to become a police officer on three occasions. He was employed as a special constable with Kent Police in 2006 and was discharged from the Territorial Army the following year for failing to fulfil training obligations.

In late 2010, Couzens was vetted for recruitment to the Civil Nuclear Constabulary (CNC). In early 2011, he resigned from Kent Police and took up the role of authorized firearms officer with the CNC. He transferred to the Metropolitan Police (Met) in September 2018, working as a police constable and firearms officer. In February 2020, Couzens was assigned to the Parliamentary and Diplomatic Protection (PaDP) branch, the division responsible for uniformed protection of government and diplomatic premises. Couzens had not undergone enhanced vetting as part of his recruitment, nor had he gone through the mandatory two-year probation period with the Met before joining the PaDP.

Incident and investigation

On 28 February 2021, Couzens booked a white Vauxhall Crossland from a vehicle hire company in Dover. At 07:00 GMT on 3 March, he completed a 12-hour shift at the US Embassy in London before travelling to Kent to collect the hire car. He then drove back to London, where he was recorded as being in Earl's Court and on Battersea Bridge. After arriving in Clapham, he again drove to Earl's Court before returning to Clapham at 21:23.

At around 21:00, Everard left a friend's house on Leathwaite Road near Clapham Junction, west of Clapham Common. She walked along the A205 South Circular Road across the common en route to her Brixton Hill home. She spoke to her boyfriend on her phone for about 15 minutes and agreed to meet him the next day. At 21:28, she was seen on doorbell camera footage on Poynders Road and four minutes later on the dashcam of a passing police car.

At 21:34, Couzens, who had parked the Vauxhall on the pavement outside Poynders Court, stopped Everard and showed her his police warrant card before handcuffing her. The trial judge later said that he had probably claimed that he was arresting her for having breached COVID guidelines. Couzens and Everard were twice captured by bus CCTV; the first instance at 21:35 showed them beside the hired Vauxhall and the second, at 21:38, showed the Vauxhall's number plate. Around this time, Couzens and Everard entered the car and Couzens drove to Kent; the route of the car was retrospectively tracked using CCTV and ANPR.

By 23:43, Couzens and Everard were in Dover and had transferred to Couzens's personal SEAT car. Between 23:53 and 00:57 on 4 March, Couzens's mobile phone connected to cell sites in the Shepherdswell area; it is believed that he raped Everard at some point between midnight and 01:45.  At 02:34, Couzens purchased drinks from a Dover petrol station; he had likely strangled Everard using his police duty belt by this time. Couzens then drove to Hoad's Wood near Ashford, where he owned a plot of land. His car was captured on CCTV in the area between 03:22 and 06:32 before driving back to Dover to switch back into his rental car before returning it at 08:26. After Couzens returned the hire car, he drove his personal car to Sandwich, Kent, disposing of Everard's mobile phone in one of the town's watercourses at 09:21. Later that day, Everard's boyfriend contacted the police after she did not meet him.

In the days after the murder, Couzens told senior colleagues that he was suffering from stress and no longer wanted to carry a gun. On 5 March, shortly after 11:00, Couzens bought and filled a petrol container at a service station in Whitfield. He then returned to Hoad's Wood, where his car was captured on CCTV at 12:37, and burned Everard's body inside a refrigerator. At 13:47, he bought two large builders' bags from B&Q before returning to Hoad's Wood on 7 March, where he used one of the bags to dispose of Everard's remains in a pond. On 8 March, he reported himself ill from work, handing in his equipment, including his police belt and handcuffs.

At 16:20 on 10 March, police searching Hoad's Wood found human remains in a large builder's bag, approximately 100 meters (110 yd) from Couzens's plot. Police in Dover also searched the site of a former body repair garage, previously owned by Couzens's family, at the top of the White Cliffs. On 12 March, Everard's body was identified through dental records. Two days later, police conducted a search operation around The Rope Walk in Sandwich and cordoned off approximately 1 square mile (2.6 km2) of the town. On 16 March, police continued to comb woodland in Kent, and police divers in Sandwich searched underwater for Everard's mobile phone.

Everard's funeral took place on 22 May at Heslington Church in Heslington, near York.

The results of a post-mortem held at William Harvey Hospital in Ashford were released on 1 June. It concluded that Everard had died from compression of the neck.

Legal proceedings

Arrest of Wayne Couzens

On 9 March 2021, Couzens was arrested at his home in Deal on suspicion of kidnapping. Police arrived at his house at 17:45 and arrested Couzens at 19:47. Around 40 minutes before he was arrested, Couzens tried to wipe the data from his mobile phone. When interviewed, he claimed initially not to recognize Everard after being shown a photograph of her. He then claimed to be having financial problems after paying for sex in Folkestone, and that a gang of Eastern Europeans had threatened him and his family, demanding he deliver "another girl" after underpaying a prostitute a few weeks before. A woman in her thirties was also arrested at the address on suspicion of assisting an offender but was subsequently released without charge.

On 10 March, the day Everard's remains were discovered, Couzens was re-arrested on suspicion of murder. On 11 March, Couzens was hospitalized following a head injury sustained in custody; he was again briefly hospitalized the following day after a similar injury. After the incident on 11 March, police said the injury was sustained while he was alone in his cell.

Couzens was charged with Everard's kidnapping and murder on 12 March, following authorization from the Crown Prosecution Service. He appeared at Westminster Magistrates' Court on 13 March and was remanded in custody before appearing at the Old Bailey via video link from Belmarsh Prison on 16 March.

Guilty plea

On 8 June 2021, Couzens pleaded guilty to kidnap and rape, and admitted responsibility for Everard's death. Pending medical reports into his mental health at the time of Everard's death, Couzens did not enter a plea on the charge of murder.

At a hearing on 9 July, Couzens pleaded guilty to murder. On video link from Belmarsh Prison, he kept his head down and was shaking slightly. He and the victim were "complete strangers" before her abduction. After the plea hearing, it was reported that Kent Police had received a report in 2015 of a man in a car in Dover, naked from the waist down. It was believed there may have been enough information recorded in the Kent police system to have identified the man as Couzens, who was a serving police officer at the time. Speaking outside the Old Bailey, Cressida Dick, the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police at the time, said she felt "sickened, angered and devastated" by Couzens's crimes, adding: "They are dreadful and everyone in policing feels betrayed. Sarah was a fantastic, talented young woman with her whole life ahead of her, and that has been snatched away."

Sentencing and imprisonment

The sentencing hearing before Lord Justice Fulford began at the Old Bailey on 29 September 2021 following medical and psychiatric reports. Couzens's barrister, Jim Sturman QC, asked Fulford to consider imposing a life sentence with a determinate tariff which would allow Couzens to become eligible for release on licence in his 80s. On 30 September, Couzens was sentenced to life imprisonment with a tariff of a whole life order, with Fulford justifying the severity of the punishment by saying that Couzens's use of his position as a police officer to detain Everard was the "vital factor which in my view makes the seriousness of this case exceptionally high".

In October 2021, it was reported that Couzens was applying for leave to appeal against his sentence. In July 2022, his appeal against his whole-life sentence was rejected by the Court of Appeal.

As of December 2021, Couzens was imprisoned at HM Prison Frankland in County Durham. In March 2022, Couzens was further charged with four counts of indecent exposure related to alleged incidents in January and February 2021. In February 2023, Couzens pleaded guilty to three incidents of indecent exposure that took place in Kent in 2020 and 2021. A further three counts were ordered to lie on file.

In November 2022, two of Couzens's colleagues—PC Jonathon Cobban and former PC Joel Borders—were jailed for multiple counts of sending grossly offensive messages on a public communications network. Cobban and Borders were part of a WhatsApp group chat with Couzens and another officer where they sent racist, homophobic, misogynistic, and ableist messages.

In April 2023, it was reported that Couzens could be entitled to a police pension worth £7,000 a year. Mayor of London Sadiq Khan, who had previously and successfully applied to have Couzens stripped of his Metropolitan Police pension, said he may be entitled to pensions from his pre-Met service.

Angiolini Inquiry

Couzens's crimes led to a non-statutory inquiry headed by Lady Elish Angiolini into how he was permitted to work as a police officer for three separate forces despite his behaviour causing concern. In February 2024, Angiolini's report said that Couzens had a history of alleged sexual offending, that he should never have been a police officer, and that multiple forces missed "red flags" during his vetting processes. The report said his crimes were "the culmination of a trajectory of sexually motivated behaviour and offending", and made sixteen recommendations designed "to ensure that everything possible is being done to prevent those entrusted with the power of the office of constable from abusing that power."

Following the inquiry, Home Secretary James Cleverly announced that police officers charged with "certain offenses" would be automatically suspended from duty. The government had already announced in 2023 that officers found guilty of the disciplinary charge of "gross misconduct" would also be subject to automatic suspension.

Responses

On 11 March 2021, the Home Secretary, Priti Patel, released a statement saying that "every woman should feel safe to walk on our streets without fear of harassment or violence", and Sadiq Khan stated that London streets are not safe for women or girls. Patel announced that new laws are being considered to protect women against sexual harassment in public, including the potential of making public harassment a specifically defined crime.

On 16 July, the Metropolitan Police held an in-camera disciplinary hearing at which Couzens was dismissed from the service with immediate effect. The Met later announced that it would stop deploying lone plainclothes officers.

Role of police

The case sparked debate surrounding the role of police in UK society and police violence. The police were criticised both for their crackdown on vigils for Everard during the COVID-19 lockdown and for their failure to prevent the murder: not only did Kent Police not take any action after an alleged incident of indecent exposure in 2015, but Couzens had faced at least two other accusations of indecent exposure that had not been properly investigated and he had been involved in an incident in 2002 that was missed in his vetting. In early October 2021, it was reported that Couzens's colleagues had once been forced to call him back to the station from patrol after a prostitute had visited the station demanding money from him. In mid-October, it was reported that police were investigating claims that Couzens had sexually assaulted a drag queen at a pub in Deal in 2018. Radio presenter Emma B also came forward to say that she had attempted to report Couzens in 2008, after he exposed himself to her in an alley in Greenwich, but that the police had laughed at her.

Police culture in the UK also came under criticism. An officer who had been a part of the search for Everard was suspended from duties after sharing an inappropriate graphic on social media, five officers were placed under investigation for sharing grossly offensive material with Couzens before he committed the murder, and several officers were criticized for giving character references for Couzens during his sentencing hearings. Several female officers told the press that they did not feel as if they could report concerning behavior by male colleagues.

The Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC) launched an investigation into whether two officers had responded appropriately to reports from 28 February that Couzens had indecently exposed himself at a branch of McDonald's in Swanley, Kent; he had been questioned about these allegations days before he was accused of Everard's murder. The IOPC also reported that it was investigating whether Kent police had properly investigated allegations of indecent exposure against Couzens made in 2015, when he was employed as an armed officer by the Civil Nuclear Constabulary. On 9 July, the IOPC announced that it had served 12 misconduct notices on officers regarding the investigation.

On 30 September 2021, after Couzens's sentencing, the Met stated that people should consider "shouting out to a passerby, running into a house, knocking on a door, waving a bus down or, if you are in the position to do so, calling 999" if they felt uncomfortable when being stopped by a single police officer. The Met received criticism for the statement, with commentators arguing that this would not have prevented Everard's murder (as Couzens was a police officer with the power to make arrests), and could also leave people facing charges of resisting arrest. North Yorkshire Police, Fire and Crime Commissioner Philip Allott faced calls to resign and was criticised for victim blaming after suggesting similarly, stating that women needed to learn more about the law and needed to be "streetwise about when they can be arrested and when they can't be arrested." Following a unanimous vote of no confidence on 14 October, Allott initially refused to resign, stating that he wished to "rebuild trust and confidence in [his] work as commissioner". That afternoon, he announced his resignation and apologized for his remarks.

The British government also came under criticism for its response to the murder, notably for proposing extra powers and funding to the police, which critics took issue with, as Couzens was a police officer. The government had announced it would spend an additional £25 million on street lighting and CCTV cameras as well as launch a pilot scheme to send undercover police into bars and clubs, and was advancing the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill before Parliament, which would give police broad authority to place restrictions on protests and public assembly. Cressida Dick faced calls to resign.

After Couzens's sentencing, direct action group Sisters Uncut announced that they would be launching "Copwatch" groups across the UK to train people to intervene in stop and searches and other potentially dangerous police arrests. The Guardian stated in an editorial that "there is no sign that the Met understands the profound crisis of faith that it faces", pointing to a tribunal case related to the UK undercover policing relationships scandal that was resolved in the same week as Couzens's sentencing.

On 4 October 2021, Dick announced that the Met would launch a review of professional standards and internal culture, writing, "I hope to announce a high-profile figure will be appointed to lead a review of our professional standards and internal culture. They will look at our training, leadership, processes, systems and standards of behavior, and examine cases where officers have let the public down. This person will also work alongside me, challenging my senior team and our leadership on standards, corruption, sexual misconduct and how the Met responds when things go wrong." On 3 October, Prime Minister Boris Johnson stated that the government would not undertake an immediate public inquiry into the case; Patel later announced that an inquiry would investigate the "systematic failures" in allowing Couzens to continue working as a police officer following the incidents of reported indecent exposure. The police force announced Baroness Casey of Blackstock would lead an independent enquiry in which the Metropolitan Police's recruitment, training, and vetting would be examined. A second enquiry would investigate cases where allegations of sexual misconduct or domestic abuse were made against police officers or members of staff who still work in the force.

A YouGov poll released in November 2021 found that 76% of women believed police culture had to change, and 47% of women had decreased trust in the police following Everard's murder.

Simon Kempton, a police officer on secondment to the Police Federation, shared information about Couzens's defence with other police officers via social media messages. Kempton had received the information from a journalist who had witnessed Couzens's trial via video link and passed it on to Kempton before it could legally be published. Kempton was found guilty of professional misconduct "concerning respect and courtesy" and given a final written warning valid for two years.

On 23 May 2023, Samantha Lee, a former Metropolitan Police officer who was assigned to investigate two counts of indecent exposure committed by Couzens in the days before Sarah Everard's murder, was found guilty of gross misconduct for failing to properly investigate the incidents following a disciplinary hearing. Lee subsequently told BBC News she believed she had been made a "scapegoat" for wider issues within the Metropolitan Police Service.

On 15 November 2024, Myles McHugh, a serving Metropolitan Police officer, was dismissed for gross misconduct after having viewed confidential files related to Everard's murder without good cause. A tribunal also found Hannah Rebbeck and Mark Harper guilty of gross misconduct for the same reason. Rebbeck had already left the force but would have been dismissed if she were still serving. Harper was given a final written warning.

Women's safety

The case led to widespread debate about women's safety and violence against women in the UK. After the murder, the British government reopened its public consultation on its violence against women and girls (VAWG) strategy, receiving an additional 160,000 responses in two weeks. However, some feminist campaigners argued that not enough had changed in the wake of the murder. Andrea Simon of the End Violence Against Women Coalition stated that "the measures that could make a difference and the resourcing are not where they need to be." Reports of women killed by serving or former police officers in the UK since 2009 indicate that they are usually partners, unlike in this case. On 17 September 2021, Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services published a report commissioned by the government after the murder, finding "inconsistencies at every level in how the police respond to VAWG and victims" and that there needed to be a "radical refocus and shift in the priority given to VAWG offenses".

On 9 October 2021, it was reported that BT chief executive Philip Jansen had outlined plans for Walk Me Home, a phone service designed to protect lone women as they walk home. The service would allow users to be tracked using GPS and send out alerts to emergency contacts and the police if they did not arrive at their destination when expected. The service would be activated by dialing a number, with 888 proposed as the number users would need to call. The proposal was supported by Home Secretary Priti Patel. As of June 2022, the service had not yet been implemented, nor had a timeframe for its implementation been released. In April 2023, BT confirmed that the proposed service had been cancelled.

Jennifer Grant, criminologist at the University of Portsmouth, stated that studies suggest that up to 10% of men who commit indecent exposure later commit physical sexual offenses, and that if indecent exposure were taken seriously, there would have been an opportunity for intervention with Couzens before Everard's murder. Fiona Vera-Gray, deputy director of the child and woman abuse studies unit at London Metropolitan University, said that because of the underreporting of indecent exposure, criminal justice statistics do not accurately demonstrate its prevalence, and most offenders are not convicted. Like Grant, Vera-Gray highlighted connections between non-contact and contact offending, saying that society and the criminal justice system "need[s] to do more to understand that the thinking process of the mind of somebody who would drive around and expose themselves is very similar to the thinking process of someone who then would later go on to abduct, kidnap, rape or murder somebody".

Vigils

Country-wide vigils to be held on Saturday, 13 March 2021, were organized by a newly formed campaign group, Reclaim These Streets. The day before the vigils were due to take place, a message was sent to all police chiefs that made it clear that, because of the COVID risk, Patel wanted them to stop people gathering at vigils; she also promised she would personally urge people not to gather. Talks between organizers and police broke down; the police had advised the organizers that it would be considered an illegal gathering under COVID‑19 pandemic restrictions, and the court refused a request to intervene in the police decision. Events planned for Edinburgh and Cardiff were officially cancelled in favour of online events. Cambridge was also scheduled to go online.

Vigils still took place in several cities, including Birmingham, Bristol, Cardiff, Edinburgh, Leeds, Nottingham, Liverpool, and Sheffield. Small gatherings also took place at locations in London. One on Highbury Fields attracted about 50 participants. Another in Russell Square, although also officially canceled, saw a few people lighting candles. Camden councillor Angela Mason and others criticized the police handling of this small vigil, which included asking attendees and a local journalist to leave to comply with COVID-19 mass-gathering regulations.

Clapham Common vigil

A vigil for Everard took place on Clapham Common on 13 March 2021. Throughout the early part of the day, hundreds of people attended to pay their respects. Catherine, Duchess of Cambridge, attended, with Kensington Palace releasing a statement saying that the Duchess "remembers what it was like to walk around London at night before she was married". She was later reported to have sent a personal letter to Everard's family to express "her sadness and sympathy".

The direct action group Sisters Uncut encouraged people to attend "with your sadness and your rage". By 18:00, a crowd of several hundred had congregated at the park's bandstand to hear speeches from Sisters Uncut. Four people were arrested for public-order offences and for breaching the Coronavirus Act 2020.

The Metropolitan Police's decision to break up the crowd, and the arresting of attendees and the trampling of the flowers they had laid, prompted public anger. Sir Keir Starmer, the leader of the Labor Party, called the police response "deeply disturbing"; Boris Johnson said he was "deeply concerned" by footage of the events. Khan called the police actions and arrests "neither appropriate nor proportionate". Sir Ed Davey, the leader of the Liberal Democrats, repeated calls for Dick to resign. Dick declined and dismissed criticism of the police response. Assistant Commissioner Helen Ball said the action was necessary because "hundreds of people were packed tightly together, posing a very real risk of easily transmitting COVID-19", and the Metropolitan Police Federation said that 26 police officers were assaulted.

Khan and Patel directed Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services (HMICFRS), which oversees the police, to conduct a review of the policing of the vigil and lessons learned. The review, published on 30 March 2021, found that the police had "reacted appropriately and were not heavy-handed" and were "justified" in their stance concerning the COVID regulations, saying that the risks of transmission were "too great to ignore". The HMICFRS report also said "Condemnation of the Met's actions within mere hours of the vigil—including from people in positions of responsibility—was unwarranted, showed a lack of respect for public servants facing a complex situation, and undermined public confidence in policing based on very limited evidence." They also said that the police response was a "public relations disaster" with a "materially adverse effect on public confidence in policing"; the review added, "We acknowledge that a more conciliatory response might have served the force's interests better." HMICFRS also concluded that the Met had incorrectly interpreted coronavirus-related restrictions due to legal confusion, and that not all demonstrations during a Tier 4 lockdown are unlawful. A whistleblower alleged that the reviewers had demonstrated a pro-police and anti-protestor bias while compiling the report, with the reviewing panel composed almost entirely of police officers.

On 14 March 2021, more than 1,000 people marched from New Scotland Yard to Parliament Square. The police response was described as "hands-off" and "markedly different" from that on 13 March.

Four members of Reclaim These Streets took legal action against the Metropolitan Police, claiming that their human rights to freedom of speech and assembly had been breached in connection with their attempt to organize the vigil. The case was heard in January 2022, and a judgment delivered on 11 March 2022 said that the Met's decisions in the run-up to the event were "not by the law". In April 2022, the High Court refused the Met permission to appeal the judgment. The refusal was upheld by the Court of Appeal at a second application.

In June 2022, the Met announced that it would be prosecuting six people who had attended the vigil for breaking COVID-19 laws. On 10 June, three of them were fined £220 each and each ordered to pay £134 in costs when tried in absentia in a behind-closed-doors trial. The hearings for the other three were due to take place later that month. In August 2022, the Crown Prosecution Service discontinued the prosecutions. One of those originally convicted announced that she would be pursuing a civil claim against the Met, as did Patsy Stevenson, who was handcuffed and held down by two male officers at the vigil. On 14 September 2023, it was announced that the Metropolitan Police had apologized and paid damages to the women, which their solicitor described as "substantial". In March 2024, the Metropolitan Police agreed to pay £10,000 in damages to Jennifer Edmunds, a woman arrested at the Clapham Common Vigil and detained overnight on the charge of breaching Covid restrictions.

Documentary

A documentary on Everard's killing and the aftermath of her death, Sarah Everard: The Search for Justice, was aired on BBC One on 5 March 2024. Created with the consent of the Everard family, the documentary featured previously unreleased photos of Sarah Everard. The documentary featured the lead investigating officer, DCI Katherine Goodwin, speaking publicly for the first time. There was also footage from police body cameras of Couzens's arrest and of his interviews in police custody.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murder_of_Sarah_Everard